The movement says it's for “election integrity” but it “has next to nothing in common with earlier efforts to shore up genuine vulnerabilities in the American election system,” Homans writes. He explores the movement's roots in the never-fully-organized Tea Party, which reflected concerns that were as much social and cultural as economic ("tea" stood for taxed enough already). That included immigration, which Donald Trump made the lodestar of his 2015-16 campaign, but it also included "conspiracism," one narrative of which was "a narrative of dispossession in which true Americans were losing their country to actors from outside the proper bounds of public life." That belief was disproportionately rural.
Homans reports that vote-fraud conspiracy theories began in 2016, not 2020. Trump operative Roger Stone registered stopthesteal.org in February, and the site began putting out misinformation in March and inspiring protests in April as Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas tried to catch Trump. After Trump won, he "shifted to warning of a Democratic plot to steal the election in November. When Trump won in November too, the narrative did not end. It simply shifted again — this time to the popular vote, which he lost." He tweeted falsely, “I won the popular vote if you deduct the millions of people who voted illegally.” In August 2020, Trump said, “The only way we’re going to lose this election is if the election is rigged.” At the time, polls showed that he was likely to lose.
After the election, the ranks of those claiming fraud "were swelled by new recruits radicalized by the Covid lockdowns, which many of the Stop the Steal organizers, including [Amy] Kremer, had also rallied against," Homans reports. "Those protests had also drawn in a cohort of far-right evangelical leaders, who had portrayed the lockdowns — which imposed prolonged restrictions on church attendance — as a secular elite campaign against Christians." Another recruit was Doug Mastriano, now the Republican nominee for governor or Pennsylvania and a central figure in Homans' story.
"Jan. 6 marked the explosive end of the self-described Stop the Steal movement — but it also marked a sort of rebirth," Homans writes. "It had showed direct action of even the most extraordinary scale to be, for now, a dead end. Many of the participants in the protests and the Capitol riot returned home and redoubled their efforts to work inside the system rather than just hurling themselves against it." After voting rules were eased during the pandemic, often by bipartisan agreement, there was a backlash of laws that made them more restrictive.
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