Opinion: 'Rural rage' book gets most things wrong but pinpoints how political strength can help rural 'plight' be seen

Bradyn Strawser

Writer Bradyn Strawser discusses the good, the bad and the ugly roots of 'rural rage' and how he interprets some national research on the topic. An edited version of some of his thoughts is below.

"In the months leading up to the 2020 presidential election, the Democratic Party claimed that their platform was going to be one of unity. They said it was time to turn the page on the toxicity that had defined American political discourse since that fateful moment when Donald Trump descended on the escalator in 2015, initiating his first presidential campaign," Strawser explains. "What went wrong? A good place to begin answering this question might be White Rural Rage.

"The subtitle, The Threat to American Democracy, makes the anti-rural sentiments of authors Tom Schaller, a professor of political science at the University of Maryland, and Paul Waldman, a former op-ed writer for the Washington Post, quite clear," Strawser adds. Schaller and Waldman spend a lot of words "pointing out that countless other demographics suffer more than rural whites. It seems the authors are not interested in the plight of rural America."

One of Schaller and Waldman's biggest questions was: Why did rural Americans vote so enthusiastically for Trump? "They conclude it is because Trump tapped into all the worst instincts of rural Americans," Strawser adds. "But this is not why Trump resonated with so many of my neighbors and loved ones. He resonated with them because despite all the inflated political power Schaller and Waldman claim rural America has. . . .Trump was the first president in many years that seemed to listen [to] and care."

Some of rural rage stems from being politically ignored. "Countless rural communities suffered from loss of industry, lack of education, and military intervention in foreign lands," Strawser explains. "Rural Americans have felt abandoned as both parties voted in trade deals like NAFTA and promoted immigration policies that acquiesced to large corporations’ demands for new sources of cheap labor, a push which was supported by many labor unions."

Part of why rural Americans feel rage is because they have counted their losses and started asking questions. "They want to know why they are not entitled to a quality education," Strawser writes. "Why should they support politicians who send their jobs overseas and then receive money from the very corporations that laid off their employees? . . . Trump seemed to provide answers to these questions. His pro-school choice stance and promotion of opportunity zones that used tax incentives to increase investment in depressed census tracts. . . resonated with rural people."

While Schaller and Waldman take their keen minds and come to some harsh and misguided conclusions, "they do a good job at pointing out problems facing rural America, perhaps none more serious than the opioid crisis that is poisoning rural Americans every day," Strawser writes. "I think they are correct about one [other] thing: it is time for rural Americans to wield their political power to finally get policies that are in their interest. It’s time that they demand their plight be heard."

Bradyn Strawser studied political science and history at Grove City College, Penn. To read Strawser's full essay, click here.