How a small farming community kept its town from 'fading'

Aledo's renovated Carnegie Library is now a 
co-working tech hub. (Landmark Illinois photo)

The Great Recession left little Aledo, Illinois, hollowed out, but that's not the end of its story. The farming town with roughly 3,600 residents has made a surprising comeback with help from returning residents, a historical designation, the pandemic and a community that wouldn't allow its town to "fade," reports Rhonda Brooks of Farm Journal.

W. J. Albertson grew up in Aledo, which he recalled as a charming town with a bustling downtown. When Albertson and his wife returned to Aledo to help their aging parents in 2016-2017, the changes in the town were dramatic. He told Brooks, "We saw Aledo in a state that, you know, it hurt."

Location of Aledo, Ill.
(Wikipedia map)

After seeing his hometown's downturn, Albertson decided he wanted to help reverse Aledo's fortunes. Sometimes leading and sometimes following, Albertson became part of "a methodical effort … backed by city hall, nonprofit organizations, various companies and other local individuals — to make this little town 30 minutes south of the Quad Cities a vibrant community once again," Brooks explains.

Aledo's luck began to change in 2016 when its downtown was added to the National Park Service’s list of historic districts. Brooks reports, "About 80 buildings fell under the new designation, opening the door to federal and state rehabilitation tax credits."

When the town's historic Carnegie Library came up for auction, "Albertson and his partners moved quickly to acquire the building and lined it up as a tax-credit project," Brooks writes. "The plan was to show, in one visible example, that historic status and incentives could finance a modern use."

The Aledo Opera House has become the town's
'cultural anchor.' (Aledo Opera House photo) 

Once the pandemic hit, the community had fiber access installed in the renovated library, which helped the site evolve into a "job center and co-working hub, while providing a new reason to be downtown," Brooks reports.

As time has gone on, the community has renovated historic and non-historic buildings into apartment housing, quasi-bed-and-breakfast rooms and meeting venues. The Aledo Opera House was also renovated and reopened. Brooks adds, "The facility featured space for a stage, movie showings, and other community activities."

Albertson encourages small-town Americans to get involved in their communities. "He sums up Aledo’s guiding philosophy in a short formula that blends civic pride and faith," Brooks reports. He told her, "We kind of like to say, metaphorically, with our faith, broken things plus love equals restoration."

A small town in Wisconsin pushes out a planned data center project

Organizers participated in a day of action in Menomonie
 in December. (Photo by K. Gregerson via Next City)

Three thousand years ago, it was David the shepherd boy vs. Goliath the Philistine giant. A 21st-century version of the proverbial battle goes something like this: Menomonie, Wisconsin. pop. 16,843 vs. Balloonist, LLC and its undisclosed tech-giant backer. Spoiler: Menomonie wins.

When Menomonie residents discovered their city council had already entered into closed-door talks with Balloonist last July, they had to hustle to get organized. Marianne Dhenin of Next City reports, "It was only weeks before the city council voted to annex and rezone the land to move the project forward. Organizers were fighting an uphill battle."

In the course of their fight to keep the $1.6 billion data center from spreading across 320 acres of farmland near the edge of town, Menomonie residents tapped into "grassroots community organizing and support from a growing statewide coalition," Dhenin writes. As they learned how to push Balloonist out of their town, residents created a toolkit for other small towns facing unwanted hyperscale data center proposals.

Menomonie residents who opposed the project "took to social media and the streets to raise the alarm about the data center proposal and organize community members," Dhenin explains. "They met to share information, staged demonstrations, and began attending city council meetings in growing numbers. . . . By September 2025, there were over 10,000 Menomonie residents and allies in a Stop the Menomonie Data Center Facebook group."

The town's resistance was so intense that Mayor Randy Knaack "announced at a Sept. 22 city council meeting that he had notified Balloonist that the city would not be moving forward with a development agreement," Dhenin reports. In January, the Menomonie City Council "voted unanimously to place additional regulations on data center projects."

A small town in western Mass. may be the 'canary in the coal mine' for cash-strapped municipalities across the U.S.

Anti-override activists insisted South Hadley town officials need
to address inefficiencies instead of raising taxes. 

After weeks of intense debate and campaigning, residents of South Hadley, Massachusetts, shot down a proposed 50% property tax increase, reports Scott Calvert of The Wall Street Journal. “South Hadley is a warning sign for financially strained municipalities across the U.S."

By 65% to 34% vote, residents from this small community rejected a "measure to allow the western Massachusetts college town to raise $11 million in new property taxes through what is called an override," Calvert explains. "A $9 million proposal also failed."

Override proponents said the town needed the cash infusion to address its current $3 million deficit, fund school operations and address rising costs. Calvert writes, "Override foes said a hefty property tax jump would overburden residents, particularly seniors."

Rudy Ternbach, who led the anti-override group Alliance for Fair Taxes, told the Journal, “Voters do not want to try and fix the government by increasing taxes on those least able to pay. They want more efficiencies in government and less taxes.”

South Hadley’s financial squeeze, partially due to a 42% increase in healthcare costs and declining state aid, may be part of a national trend, Calvert reports. Many municipalities are draining the last of their pandemic aid even as costs continue to rise.

Ternbach wants the town to "extract more money from Mount Holyoke College. . . which is largely tax-exempt," Calvert writes. "Both sides in the override debate want the college to do more."

Without additional taxes, local officials say, "there will be deep cuts: no school sports or extracurriculars and slashed Advanced Placement offerings, along with hits to police and public-works staffing," Calvert adds.

Chris Morrill, an expert in public finance, told Calvert, "It’s really a preview of what communities across the country are going to face. I think South Hadley’s perhaps the canary in the coal mine.” 

Quick hits: Defining rural; WD-40 secret society; electric vehicle stations keep growing; a mental health hotline for teens, staffed by teens

What is rural? A recently recorded webinar addresses that question and adds context. "In 2025, many agencies across the federal government released new data allowing users to understand how rural populations and areas are changing. This webinar will provide a brief history of rural population over time and review how the term 'rural' is defined," reports the Rural Health Information Hub. "Changes to rural areas, as identified by Federal Office of Rural Health Policy (FORHP), with their most recent September 2025 data release, will be highlighted." Find session handouts here, and the audio version here. The recorded YouTube discussion is shared above. 

Carmel-by-the-Sea coastline (Wikipedia photo)

Whimsical or fantastic, home addresses in Carmel-by-the-Sea, California, had a breezy flair, free of physical address numbers, but that's about to change. "For 109 years, residents have used directional descriptors. . . . such as Sea Castle, Nut House and A Turn of Fraise," reports Hailey Branson-Potts of the Los Angeles Times. "This spring, every government building, business and house in the town of 3,200 people will be assigned a number." Many residents have long resisted the move, but "complaints about missed packages and mail-order medications, as well as trouble setting up banking accounts and utilities, kept piling up."

WD-40 can remove chewing gum
from all kinds of surfaces.

Freemasons and the Knights Templar aren't the only ones with secret societies: WD-40, the world's most famous lubricant, has one, too. The company's current CEO, Steve Brass, was at the helm for nearly 30 years before he was allowed to join the ultra-secret club, which gave him access to the "undisclosed Bank of America location" where the WD-40's handwritten formula is kept, reports Jennifer Williams of The Wall Street Journal. The formula has "only left a bank vault three times in the past 30 years." WD-40 is 70 years old and has been used "for everything from loosening bolts to coaxing a boa constrictor out of a car engine compartment and removing gum from turtle shells."

Zoom. Zoom. Zoom. It could be the sound of a Mazda, or the sound of EV charging stations popping up across the U.S., despite recent efforts to depress EV sales. "The U.S. added a record number of public electric-vehicle fast chargers last year, keeping up with demand from growing number of EV owners," reports Jeff St. John of Canary Media. "The Trump administration pushed Republicans in Congress to cancel Biden-era EV tax credits and revoke states’ rights to set clean-car mandates" but that hasn't put the brakes on charging station builds and consumer use. Data analytics firm Paren found that "new chargers are working more reliably and being used more heavily than ever — a sign the country is matching charging supply to demand." 

Approximately 100 teen volunteers log more than 10,000 contacts a year from youth around the world. (Teen Line photo via Reasons to be Cheerful)

When teens need someone to talk to about life problems, sometimes the best listener is another teen. Since 1980, the Center for the Study of Young People in Groups in California has supported a free teen hotline that connects trained teens with peers for nonjudgmental listening. Michaela Haas for Reasons to be Cheerful reports, "Approximately 40% of U.S. high-school students report persistent sadness or hopelessness, and suicide remains the second leading cause of death for youth ages 10 to 24. . . .For the teens who undergo rigorous training to become hotline volunteers, the experience can be "transformative." Read about the full project and its impact here. 

Pew Research graph, from survey of U.S. adults 
conducted Nov. 17-30, 202

The good, the bad and the ugly: That's what the majority of Americans say we need to be sharing about U.S. history, according to a recent Pew Research Center survey. Andy Cerda of the Pew Research Center reports, "Majorities in both parties say it’s important to talk about both America’s successes and its failures. . . .66% of U.S. adults say it is extremely or very important to publicly discuss the country’s historical successes and strengths and 66% say the same about discussing the country’s historical failures and flaws."

Small-town governments can intentionally build 'local patriotism' to combat voter and citizen apathy

Graph by Sean Richey, The Conversation

Despite the direct impact local governments have on public safety, taxes and schools, only a fraction of voters cast ballots in local elections, and many residents don't know their elected officials' names.

"Turnout in local elections regularly falls below 20%, often leaving critical decisions in the hands of small, unrepresentative groups, creating an electorate that’s disproportionately white, elderly and affluent," writes Sean Richey for The Conversation.

Richey's more recent research explored what factors influence why some voters become more engaged in their communities, and others don't. He notes, "An overlooked factor explains why some people engage with their communities while others tune out: local patriotism, or how they feel about their town."

Residents who "love their town" were far more likely to participate in activities that impact it. Richey explains, "Even after accounting for factors such as age, education, income and general interest in politics, loving one’s town strongly predicted participation in local politics. . . . Local patriotism also correlated strongly with trust in local government."

For smaller governments, encouraging local patriotism can open up dialogues with potential voters and volunteers who have different needs and hopes for their town. When citizens care, they are more likely to chime in and participate. On a broader scale, when Americans love their towns, their social and political activities support democracy.

Farmers markets can help residents build a sense of hometown 
pride. (Photo by Thomas Barwick, Getty via Conversation CC)

"Local patriotism appears to address a fundamental puzzle in political science: why anyone participates in local politics at all," Richey explains. "The time and effort required almost always exceed any tangible benefit an individual would receive."

Richey's study shows that whether starting a local farmers market, celebrating a new school building or encouraging nature walks that highlight a town's most celebrated wildlife or landscapes, local patriotism can be intentionally fostered. His complete list of suggestions is here.

A 'hyperscale' data center proposal divides a small town, but few details are known about the project

Residents pack a November meeting of the Bessemer City Council.
(Photo by Lee Hedgepeth, Inside Climate News)

A sprawling data center plan in Bessemer, Alabama, has divided the small town of 25,000 people, who know very few details about the project. 

Despite the lack of public knowledge about the build, the Bessemer City Council approved "rezoning hundreds of acres of forested land at the city’s edge to make way for a 4.5 million square foot data center," reports Lee Hedgepeth of Inside Climate News. Council members, some of whom signed nondisclosure agreements, voted 5-2 to allow the $14.5 billion project to move forward.

Two Bessemer City Council members, Cleo King and Donna Thigpen, "voted against the proposal, called 'Project Marvel,' which has been nearly universally opposed by the residents who live near the site," Hedgepeth writes.

King told Hedgepeth that he didn't think the Bessemer City residents stand to benefit anything from having "a data center [that will] include 18 buildings the size of Walmart Supercenters and consume a massive amount of water and electricity" move into their community.

Bessemer residents, both for and against the project, have attended city council meetings, with those opposing the build complaining that they receive only vague responses to their questions. Residents supporting the project say opponents are "anti-growth."

King said "even as a council member, he has not seen any additional planning documents answering the questions raised by residents and environmental groups," Hedgepeth writes.

"Several representatives of the local school system have testified in favor of the data center proposal," Hedgepeth reports. The developer behind the project reassured council members that Project Marvel will be a "financial boon for Bessemer and will cause no negative impacts for either residents or the environment."

It's hard for Bessemer residents on both sides to get the full measure of the proposal. Ryan Anderson, a staff attorney for the Southern Environmental Law Center, an environmental nonprofit, said that "she was shocked by how little is still publicly known about the project after months of public hearings," Hedgepeth reports. She told him, "You can’t answer the most basic questions about what company is building a data center here."

Buc-ees debate tears apart a mountain-town community in Colorado, leading to cursing, 'mudslinging' and legal action

Palmer Lake is one of three communities in the Tri-Lakes region 
between Denver and Colorado Springs.

It may take years for the small mountain community of Palmer Lake, Colorado, to recover from the ongoing, scathing debate over whether a Buc-ees gas station should be built two miles outside of town.

Heated emotions both for and against the development have "led to cursing at packed town meetings, mudslinging on social media and texts, accusations of vandalism. . . and litigation," reports Karin Brulliard of The Washington Post. "Over the past year, the social fabric of this town of 2,500 has been torn apart."

Both sides insist they want what is best for the town, with some residents insisting Buc-ees will ruin the region's sublime views and quaint feel. Buc-ees proponents insist potential tax revenue from the colossal gas station would help the town pay for ailing infrastructure needs.

While the land Buc-ees proposed to develop wouldn't be seen by Palmer Lake residents, the company applied for the property to be annexed into Palmer Lake for access to its water supply. "At a heated board meeting, trustees considered whether the Buc-ee’s parcel was eligible for annexation," Brulliard writes. "Some commenters hailed the plan’s benefits. [Others] argued it wouldn’t bring the promised revenue and instead would attract traffic and crime."

Once Palmer Lake trustees agreed the parcel was eligible for annexation, townspeople who opposed Buc-ees filed suit "alleging First Amendment, due process and open meeting violations and arguing that the annexation was improper," Brulliard explains. "Opponents also initiated the recall of three trustees."

When it looked as though the opposition would prevail and Buc-ees would seek out a different site, the battle stalled, only to resume when Buc-ees "requested a public vote, which it would pay for," Brulliard reports. "The proposal is expected to go to a public vote this winter."

Columnist reflects on dumping junk in rural areas

Kallner suggests there's a better way to get rid of rubbish.
(Photo by Lance Grandahl, Unsplash)

Getting rid of trash can be a problem in rural areas.

People used to be able to dump their junk out “in the back.” Now they have to dispose their waste in accordance with local government ordinances, Donna Kallner wrote in a column for The Daily Yonder.

Kallner said rural folks need to “find a place at the intersection of personal rights and responsibility where we can agree on some norms of behavior – individual and collective” when it comes to dumping trash.

That means not leaving items at the side of the road – or on public and private land – in the middle of the night. It also means thinking about how your unwanted items and waste might affect the land that future generations might build their homes on. 

Kallner also encourages citizens to think about trash disposal when voting for government representatives. 

She mentioned that after a tornado hit her town in northern Wisconsin, miscommunication with residents led to improper debris disposal, which the local government later had to pay to clean up. Kallner added that it's important to vote for local officials who can plan and manage local funds and land responsibly. 

Irked by cars and crowds, rural New Englanders try different coping strategies to manage 'leaf-peepers'

Idyllic autumn scenery draws thousands of tourists 
to New England each fall. (Adobe Stock photo)

As fall blows into rural New England, it brings trees decked out in glorious fall shades and plenty of tourists. Residents and local governments in some of the most popular "leaf-peeping" places have had enough. "Locals are pushing for road closures and parking restrictions," reports Jared Mitovich of The Wall Street Journal. Some local stores have started hawking wares that poke fun at tourists.

Despite the tourism revenue "leaf-lookers" generate for some areas, the influx of hundreds of additional people in a single season can overwhelm smaller towns. "They’ve complained about TikTokers trespassing onto countryside farms. . .near-fist fights over trailhead parking — not to mention unsafe traffic blockages on narrow roads," Mitovich writes.

The sheer number of fall tourists to Vermont -- a state with less than 650,000 residents -- explains some of the stress. Vermonters welcome roughly 2.5 million visitors "who come for the idyllic autumnal vistas," Mitovich reports. "A growing number of residents say influencer culture is fueling bad behavior."

Some small businesses have turned to humor to cope by "selling collectible figures titled 'Influencer Trespassing on Private Road': a woman with a long braid under a wide-brimmed hat, smartphone in hand, in front of a leafy landscape," Mitovich adds. Another figurine includes a row of tiny vehicles causing a traffic jam.

The tiny town of Pomfret, Vt., opted to close itself off rather than adapt to the onslaught of tourists. "For the third straight fall season. . . signage will turn away drivers trying to get a glimpse." A Pomfret sugarhouse owner, Michael Doten, supports the blockade, even though it means he sells less maple syrup. He told Mitovich, "People were throwing trash and they were trespassing."

Beyond small towns trying to manage carloads of tourists, popular hiking trails such as Franconia Notch State Park in New Hampshire get swamped, too. This fall, Franconia park managers "introduced one-way hiking patterns, doubled the number of port-a-potties and increased staffing," Mitovich reports. 

Opinion: Rural policing writer disagrees with Wall Street Journal article about rural law enforcement violence

Rural police officers have high rates of shootings, but they 
are also more likely to get shot. (Adobe Stock photo)

A Wall Street Journal story about violence in rural policing gets some concepts right; however, the story's data and overall conclusions are faulty, writes rural police reporter Kathleen Dias in her column for Police1. "I agree with the premise of the article: there really are a lot of harsh interactions between law enforcement and the public in rural places. . . . Where the WSJ writer and I disagree is in the conclusion he draws (that rural cops kill people because they are poorly trained or trained to overreact), the sources for his statistics, and his slant."

"Rural places have high rates of shootings by law enforcement and also of law enforcement officers who get shot; that’s not new information or a new trend," Dias explains. "The writer is also correct that rural agencies frequently lack the ability to use the tools of time, distance and backup to defuse volatile situations."

The article's primary focus is that "rural sheriffs are killing more civilians," Dias adds. "The writer cites Mapping Police Violence stating that since 2013, killings by sheriff’s deputies have risen 43% while killings by police have risen by 3%. . . . First, sheriff’s offices are not all rural [and] not all rural police interactions, lethal or otherwise, are by sheriff’s offices."

Overall, MPV as a source is "profoundly troublesome. 'Police violence' is a broad, provocative term," Dias explains. "The definition from MPV is 'Any incident where a law enforcement officer (off-duty or on-duty) applies, on a civilian, lethal force resulting in the civilian being killed. . . . I found incidents like an off-duty Virginia state trooper who killed a man who was breaking into his home, an off-duty officer who killed his domestic partner and then himself, an off-duty deputy who struck a bicycle rider at night on a Florida highway notorious for wrecks. . ."

The WSJ article uses examples that aren't rural. Dias writes, "The article is about rural police killings, yet the first several quotes are from urban sheriffs about their resources, their experiences and cultural changes they made."

There was an "implicit undertone in the WSJ article’s descriptions of small towns and remote places of the incongruity of violence in those places — that somehow a rural setting made violence even less acceptable than usual," Dias writes. "I believe that underscores the writer’s lack of understanding of rural places, and also the perception of risk by officers."

What rural officers do face is populations that are "more likely to be poor, addicted to alcohol and illegal substances, and to attempt or complete suicide than their urban neighbors," Dias points out. "Rural officers are often poorly paid, and departments do struggle with recruiting, retention and churn that can result in bad hiring choices."

Rural officers need more staff, higher pay, additional training and equipment that works. "I’ll go to the wall with the WSJ writer on those points," Dias adds. "The officers themselves are not the problem. Indeed, they’re expected to be the solution to every problem that comes the way of every other resident, but that’s impossible. They’re cops, not Swiss Army knives."

Read all of Dias' opinion, including her comparison of the WSJ article to a Washington Post story here.

'Traditional Marriage Parade' divides rural Iowa town

Photo by Sandy Millar, Unsplash

A Baptist pastor of small-town Ottumwa in Iowa challenged the fairness of a city council proclamation to celebrate Pride month while other groups like veterans went unnoticed, Joe Barrett of The Wall Street Journal reported.

When the council members explained they only passed resolutions of this nature that were brought to their attention, Pastor Travis Decker decided to create his own “Traditional Marriage Parade” – and he wanted to get a proclamation from the city for it.

This request led to “weeks of emotional public meetings, social-media battles and questions about whether the council should have proclamations at all,” Barrett wrote. 

Pastor Chris Childs from Grace Methodist Church noted that the conflict highlights the fraught political environment that has divided America everywhere.

And the result? The city council decided that no one gets anything. A new policy was created to prevent controversial proclamations from being passed in the future.

“Pride or traditional marriage proclamations probably won’t make the cut,” council member Cara Galloway told the Wall Street Journal.

A mayor's death in rural Tennessee 'unleashed one of the county’s biggest political conflicts in memory'

Following the unexpected death of their mayor, residents in rural Coffee County, Tennessee, split into factions that began with arguments over real estate development and spiraled into heated debates over what it means to be politically conservative in a deeply red county.

Coffee County, in green, is nested between several
urban centers. (Caliper maps)

 

At 55 years old, Judd Matheny was a pro-growth mayor busy working to develop farm-based Coffee County as a haven for suburbanites fleeing expensive living in Nashville, Chattanooga, and Huntsville, Ala. "Rural Coffee County was poised to become Tennessee’s next boomtown, with subdivisions rapidly replacing farmland," reports Cameron McWhirter of The Wall Street Journal. 

Upon Matheny's death, his plans were diverted by county officials "pushing hard to limit development across the area’s vast farmlands. In March, the county imposed a three-month moratorium on all large subdivision projects in areas zoned for agriculture," McWhirter writes. After the moratorium expired, officials passed a ruling that limited "property owners in agricultural areas to selling land in a minimum of 5-acre-lot increments, effectively halting large subdivisions in those areas." The median lot size in Tennessee is roughly half an acre.

While county officials have sided with multi-generational farmers and residents who want to limit growth to preserve the region's rural identity, the area's strong pro-development faction isn't going quietly. McWhirter explains. "Rival camps have hired lawyers and clash on social media through dueling Facebook pages. . . . Planning commission meetings, typically mundane affairs where leaders wear jeans and work boots, now draw heated crowds and viewers on streaming.

Judd Matheny

The duel extended to what it means to be conservative. "An anti-moratorium sign at a local meeting read: 'Vote like a conservative! Less government. Less rules. Less regulations. Lower taxes," McWhirter reports. "A pro-moratorium group responded in a post that, 'Historically, conservatism has emphasized order, prudence, stewardship. . . .It’s about preserving traditional values and communities — not selling them off for short-term gain."

Even with the current restrictions, Coffee County continues to expand. "Construction crews dig and drill throughout Tullahoma and Manchester, the county seat; real estate for-sale signs line roads," McWhirter writes. 

Meanwhile, both sides seem to agree that if Matheny were still alive, things wouldn't be so contentious. McWhirter adds, "Matheny’s death unleashed one of the county’s biggest political conflicts in memory."

E.V. charging stations help fuel mega gas station growth. Not every town wants one.

Sheetz location in Romulus, Mich. 
(Sheetz photo via WXTZ News in Detroit, Mich.)

Despite controversies over their impact, big gas station chains such as Buc-ees and Sheetz are adding locations in small communities and residential spaces across the U.S. The need for more E.V. charging stations, with their longer "fill" times, is part of the reason.

"As battery-powered cars become more common on roadways, more gas stations are installing chargers alongside old-fashioned pumps," reports Kevin Williams of The New York Times. "E.V. charging takes time, so gas station operators are turning their stores into shopping centers where people can spend time — and money — while they wait for cars to charge."

Area residents have a range of reactions when they hear their community is being considered as a mega gas station location. "The sheer size of the businesses has turned off some communities that don’t want the heavy traffic, bright lights and 24/7 activity," Williams explains. "When communities object to Sheetz’s moving in, the company isn’t fazed. . . . It knows there are communities that want its business."

Restaurants in small to mid-sized cities have pushed against mega gas stations because they offer extensive food menus and may even include a drive-thru. Williams reports, "Craig Dunaway, the chief operating officer of Penn Station East Coast Subs, said his restaurant chain was fending off gas station businesses like Sheetz."

The city of Farmington Hills, Mich., which has roughly 86,000 residents, "rejected Sheetz’s proposal this year to take over a space once occupied by Ginopolis, a restaurant that called Elizabeth Taylor and Bob and Delores Hope its customers, after several contentious meetings," Williams writes. But the smaller town of Romulus, Mich., welcomed the development.

Jeremy Taylor, a long-time Romulus resident, enjoys what Sheetz offers. He told Williams, "It’s been a long time since we’ve had something this good in Romulus. There’s nothing out here.”

Grassroots efforts give rural W. Va. residents a transportation solution

Monroe County residents ride the new MTA bus route to
Walmart. (Photo by T. Spencer, Mountain State Spotlight)

Residents in Monroe County, West Va., now can take a bus to school, work or doctor's appointments, thanks to the efforts of the county's transportation committee.

Tre Spencer reports in the Mountain State Spotlight that the committee negotiated a deal to get new bus routes from the Mountain Transit Authority.

Like many rural people across the U.S., Monroe County residents have struggled to get to work or care for themselves because of poor transportation options. Spencer explains, "Jeana Carr is the county’s Head Start director and has worked directly with families and parents since the late 1990s. She said most families either relied on one car or didn’t have one at all." Carr told Spencer she spent years listening to community assessment results that listed transportation as the number one need. 

Carr's hope for providing a county transportation plan gained traction when Beth Massey, the threat preparedness coordinator at the Monroe County Health Department, got on board, and the two women joined forces. Spencer reports, "Massey and Carr approached the county commission with their concerns, and the commission formed a transportation committee, appointing Massey to lead it."

Members of the transportation committee knew that to get state help, they would have to prove the community had a viable need. So they decided to deploy a solid, community research project that included help from a local grocery store, residents who needed transportation, and the county's 911 service.

Once research results were completed, "the committee approached the state’s public transit authority, the Division of Multimodal Transportation Facilities," Spencer adds. "State officials directed them to the Mountain Transit Authority. . . . and Tim Thomas, MTA’s general manager, had been looking to expand to Monroe County for a while."

The committee grappled with how federal and state transportation funding works with additional community funds. "With the federal grant requiring a 50% match, the county commission put up $30,000, and MTA is working to put up the remaining funding to expand to more routes and days," Spencer reports. "By early March, buses were carrying riders across the county three days a week."

Tre Spencer

To read the detailed account of Monroe County's grassroots busing success story, Spencer's full story is here. 

ICE contracts help some rural jails shore up their budgets, but the money comes with strings attached

Ozark County Jail, Mo., transports and temporarily holds
detainees for ICE. (Photo by Jesse Bogan, Marshall Project)

Small, rural law enforcement offices hurting for money are signing up for Immigration and Customs Enforcement contracts, but the money to assist with national mass deportation efforts comes with added oversight and risks.

Sheriff Cass Martin from Ozark County, Missouri, "sees his prayers answered in a new contract with ICE that could boost his $1.1 million annual budget," reports Jesse Bogan of the Missouri Independent. "An enormous ramp-up in detention capacity is underway. New contracts are being negotiated. . . . Ozark County is already reaping the benefits by raising wages and hiring for new positions in law enforcement."

Martin saw the ICE contract as a possible answer to his budgeting shortfall. He told Bogan, “We were really hurting. The day after the inauguration, a federal inspector showed up here at the jail wanting to look at everything throughout the facility."

Ozark County is one example of how a small, rural law enforcement office can become an effective "arm" for ICE. "They’ve made 525-mile runs from Ozark County to the federal building in St. Louis, down to the Greene County Jail in southwest Missouri, then back home," Bogan adds. "They’ve picked up detainees 325 miles away in Oklahoma and taken them to the tarmac at Kansas City International Airport."

But the added work and money have strings attached. ICE "detention and transportation contracts come with much more scrutiny and oversight than typical jail work, especially in Missouri, which doesn’t have statewide jail standards," Bogan reports. "Still, ICE reported that eight detainees had died nationally while in custody this year, as of May 5, including one death in a rural Missouri jail."

At least in Ozark County, local input on ICE contracts has been minimal; however, local officials working on ICE details haven't broadcast their federal negotiations. "Just one [local resident] attended a recent county commissioner meeting," Bogan writes. "Two years’ worth of meeting minutes didn’t mention the ICE contract in detail. The county commissioner said he wanted to wait until federal money started coming in before listing projected revenue in the county’s $7 million annual budget."  

A program to expand broadband services in U.S. faces review; many state and local leaders want it to be 'left alone'

Providing every American with broadband access 
is the BEAD program's goal. (Adobe Stock photo)

After Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick committed to a 'rigorous review' of the country's $42 billion Broadband Equity, Access and Deployment program, or BEAD, last week, House Republicans lined up at a House subcommittee meeting to complain about the program's failure to provide "internet for all," reports Chris Teale of Route Fifty. Despite those complaints, the program still has solid bipartisan support from those who want BEAD to continue to evolve.

When it comes to congressional calls to scrap the program, state and local leaders have a simple "message for the federal government, Washington, D.C. and Congress: 'Leave it alone; let the states do what they've done,' Missouri State Rep. Louis Riggs, a Republican, told Teale. "'The feds could not do what the states have done. . . . Trying to claw that funding back and stand up a new grant round is the worst idea I've heard in a very long time, and that's saying a lot coming out of D.C.'"

While many Republicans bemoaned the program's red tape and slow roll-outs as failures, others saw opportunities to allow the program to adapt along a learning curve. "In a statement after Lutnick’s announcement, Sen. Shelley Moore Capito, a West Virginia Republican, said she favors 'improving the program,' but does 'not want to see West Virginia wait longer than is necessary or have to redo their proposals and application,'" Teale reports. 

Accurate mapping has slowed BEAD disbursements; however, "there has been more movement in several states as Delaware, Louisiana and Nevada have started making grant awards," Teale explains. "Others are hesitant amid the federal uncertainty, however, including Texas, which paused its digital equity program early this month."

Opinion: The strongest argument for openness in government: Facts quell rumors

Jim Pumarlo

As youths we all likely tried to hide bad behavior from our parents. The truth inevitably surfaced, and we bore the brunt of punishment. Lesson: Be up front with circumstances and repercussions typically are minimized.

Newspapers should communicate the same lesson to public officials who try to keep secret what they deem sensitive or unwelcome news: Be forthright. Make it standard procedure to volunteer the news and minimize rumors.

Newsrooms work tirelessly to deliver on the “public’s right to know,” and for good reason. In the words of David Bordewyk, executive director of the South Dakota NewsMedia Association: Open government is essential to good government.

The public’s right to know was the thrust behind the SDNA’s support for a bill that passed this year’s Legislature to require all public boards to review the open meetings laws once a year, Bordewyk writes. “Keeping an eye on government and informing readers about public meetings are among the most important jobs for community news media organizations.”

Government transparency often centers on open records and open meetings laws, Bordewyk notes, acknowledging that laws can be confusing and lead to misunderstandings. So why not require an annual refresher course? It’s a great idea, one that should be pursued by other state press associations if it’s not already on the books.

At the same time, newspapers should not wait for the often lengthy and zigzag path of a worthy idea to reach the finish line. Why not initiate meetings with local officials to review and explore the intricacies of open meeting and data practices laws.

Newspapers certainly should stand on the letter of the law when seeking access to public information and meetings. Two other points should be stressed.

First, advance requests based on the spirit of openness – no matter what the law dictates. Challenge public officials to place themselves in the position of friends and neighbors seeking answers from City Hall. Would they be satisfied with “no comment”?

Second, underscore the value of setting benchmarks for community conversation. Meeting in secret or withholding information only fuels rumors. If gossip has reached the newspaper, those affected can rest assured it has circulated broadly, especially fueled by social media. At a minimum, hearsay exaggerates the facts. At worst, the whispers promote blatant falsehoods.

The opportunity to deliver facts straight from the source is one of the strongest arguments editors can present to those otherwise hesitant to share information. Citizens still may dismiss statements as a “company line,” but parameters have been set for community discussion.

The premise of openness should be delivered to the private sector as well. Companies and individuals are not subject to the same laws as public bodies, but they ought to be aware that their news is equally important to the community and often travels more quickly than a city council vote.

Conflicts over the public’s right to know often focus on a specific meeting or particular document. Officials also should be reminded of the value of everyday openness.

I vividly recall the “news” passed along by my photographer when I sat behind the editor’s desk. Word had reached his son’s elementary school that a teacher at the middle school had lost all his fingers in a lab experiment. We promptly tracked a story for that day’s edition. The superintendent set the record straight. The teacher lost a fingertip and all was handled very calmly and professionally.

Our first inquiry, however, went to the school principal. She refused comment, charging us with sensationalism. A few minutes later she called and canceled her subscription without even seeing our report. I’ll stand by our decision to pursue and publish the story. I’m certain we prevented a lot of misinformed table talk at dinners that evening.

I applaud Bordewyk and his association for securing legislation to require all public boards to review the open meetings laws once a year. In tandem, I encourage newspapers to pursue meetings to orient public officials on the laws. Nothing is more important in newspaper missions than to preserve and advance the public’s right to know.

Editors too often find themselves demanding information in confrontation. Seize the opportunity to structure these meetings as an effort to reach a common understanding.

Jim Pumarlo is former editor of the Red Wing Republican Eagle (Minn.). He writes, speaks and provides training on community newsroom success strategies. He is author of “Journalism Primer: A Guide to Community News Coverage,” “Votes and Quotes: A Guide to Outstanding Election Coverage” and “Bad News and Good Judgment: A Guide to Reporting on Sensitive Issues in Small-Town Newspapers.” He can be reached at jim@pumarlo.

States promised opioid settlement spending transparency, but many have already strayed from commitment

When states and local governments anticipated billions in opioid settlement dollars, 12 states committed to 100% spending transparency, "promising annual reports 'specifying the activities and amounts,' they have funded," reports Aneri Pattani of KFF Health News. "But many of those reports remain difficult, if not impossible, for the average person to decipher."

Idaho settlement dollars are an example. The attorney general’s website hosts "more than 90 standardized spending reports from state and local entities. Sounds great. But in reality, it reads like this: 'In fiscal 2023, the city of Chubbuck spent about $39,000 on Section G, Subsection 9.' Cracking that code requires a separate document," Pattani explains. "The Idaho attorney general’s office, which oversees the state’s opioid settlement reports, did not respond to requests for comment."

New Hampshire has a different transparency problem. "The state government controls 85% of the state’s settlement funds and posts reports from grant recipients on its opioid abatement website," Pattani reports. "The reports explain the projects and populations served but lack a key detail: how much money each organization received."

Accessing dollars and cents details means searching through "the opioid abatement advisory commission’s meeting minutes, which date back several years" or other state government meetings and notes.

Graph by Aneri Pattani and Lydia Zuraw, KFF Health News and Christine Minhee, OpioidSettlementTracker.com

Idaho and New Hampshire aren't the only states falling short of their commitment. Other states have zero reporting, even though many residents are asking for the information. Pattani writes, "One of the loudest and most frequent questions from the public has been: Where are the dollars going? Victims of the crisis, along with their advocates and public policy experts, have repeatedly called on governments to transparently report how they’re using these funds, which many consider 'blood money.'"

Of the 12 states that promised spending accountability, seven have "reported 100% of their expenditures in a way that is easy for the public to find and understand," Pattani reports. "There are also states such as Indiana that didn’t originally promise 100% transparency but are now publishing detailed accounts of their expenditures."

Sharing settlement spending information not only helps the public hold state and local officials accountable for their spending choices, but it can also foster hope. Norman Litchfield, the director of addiction medicine at St. Luke’s Health System in Idaho, told Pattani, "A lot of people simply are just not aware that these funds exist and that these funds are currently being utilized in ways that are helping."

The debate over fluoride in public water may just be getting started: Local stories and knowledge can help

Fluoride is a mineral that helps prevent
tooth decay. (Photo by G. Rosenke, Unsplash)

The decades-long practice of adding fluoride to public water supplies to prevent tooth decay is under fire from anti-fluoride activists, including "fluoride foe Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who was tapped for a top spot overseeing public health as head of the Department of Health and Human Services," reports Joseph A. Davies for the Society for Environmental Journalists. Kennedy wants "to remove fluoride from drinking water, and President-elect Trump has said he supports the idea."

Adding fluoride to public water sources began in the 1940s; however, the decision to add fluoride is not made at the federal level. Davis explains, "The federal government has no legal authority to require fluoride in drinking water — not the EPA or any other agency. But some 13 states (plus Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico) do — they currently have laws requiring utilities to add fluoride to drinking water. Hawaii is the only state to prohibit it. . . . Not only that, but laws in 37 states allow local governments and utilities to choose for themselves."

Davis writes, "The public should know the facts. For environmental journalists, that means local stories."

A recent court case won by anti-fluoride activists "ordered the EPA to reevaluate its rule on fluoride in drinking water, using the Toxic Substances Control Act rather than the SDWA (Safe Drinking Water Act)," Davis explains. "The suit came after controversial research by the Department of Health and Human Services’ National Toxicology Program suggested fluoride could harm the IQ of growing kids."

The political atmosphere and anti-fluoride sentiment by some citizens is pushing the fluoride debate into more local community spaces. Davis shares these story ideas and sources.

Story ideas:

• Does your state require fluoride to be added to public drinking water systems? Talk to your state regulators.
• What are the main drinking water utilities in your audience area? Do they add fluoride? Talk to local managers about the issue.
• Does fluoride occur naturally in the source water(s) of your local utilities? How much? Is it below or above the maximum contaminant level (MCL)?
• Does your utility fully inform customers about fluoride in water (as they are legally required to under the SDWA)?
• What does your local or state health department think about fluoride in drinking water?
• Talk to your dentist and other local dentists about their views on fluoride.
  

Reporting resources:

• U.S. Environmental Protection Agency: The EPA oversees implementation of the Safe Drinking Water Act, with most enforcement carried out by the states.
• Centers for Disease Control: The main U.S. public health agency.
• National Institutes of Health: This scientific research agency has studied fluoride in water.
• World Health Organization: This international public health agency has recommended a level for fluoride in drinking water.
• American Dental Association: The main professional association for general dentists in the United States.
• Fluoride Action Network: A nongovernmental organization that opposes addition of fluoride to drinking water.
• Food & Water Watch: A nonprofit NGO opposed to fluoride in drinking water.

Vermont lawmakers found a way to support child care throughout the state. Its example could help other states.

Vermont's child care system is partially supported by
a new payroll tax. (Shutterstock photo)

Vermont lawmakers made dramatic changes to support child care businesses and family needs throughout the state. System advocates say the state's success could be a national model. "In a February 2023 survey of child care providers in the state, nearly 1 out of 5 said they feared they’d go out of business within the year," report Katherine Barrett and Richard Greene of Route Fifty. "That dramatic response fueled officials and state partners to find a solution."

The state's "new law increases the number of families that can receive financial assistance for child care by increasing eligibility from 350% of the federal poverty level to 575%." Barrett and Greene write. "The law also provides for higher reimbursement rates for child care businesses, with the expectation that increased funding will improve pay for hard-to-find staff. . . Most importantly, the law ensures that state funding continues in future years based on a dedicated new payroll tax that began July 1 and is projected to bring in $80 million in its first year."

The new eligibility and child care pay structure has already had positive results. "Six months after the law’s passage, the state’s 2024 survey of child care providers showed a dramatic reversal in their attitudes about the future," Route Fifty reports. "Just 5% said they’d expect to go out of business over the next two years, down from 20%. In the first three months after the law’s passage, more child care centers and home-based businesses opened than closed. That was the first time that had happened since the state started tracking this data in 2012."

Bipartisan support and advocacy for better funding and business options for child care within Vermont are a big reason why the legislation was successful. "This multiyear buildup has also meant that a healthy supply of both local and national evidence was brought to play in creating the law," Barrett and Greene add. "The motivation to find a solution was bolstered by extensive research on child development, which strongly demonstrates the link between high-quality experiences in the first years of life and future health, happiness and success."