Opinion: The battle over data centers -- what they take, where the profits go and how some states show a better path

Data center developers have zoned in on rural America as
the best place to build. (Photo by R. Starnes Sr., Unsplash)

It was sold to Americans as the "cloud." Fluffy, white -- and most importantly, floating harmlessly in the heavens -- never to touch or interfere with life on Earth. But for all its promise, some say it is a lie. 

Lurking behind the cloud are data storage and computation machines that will eat up an inexhaustible amount of energy and water wherever they are built, writes Lawrence Winnerman for Blue Amp Media.

Stepping back, as cloud and AI developments began to take off, data center developers ran into a problem: Where could they find the land and resources to build their mega-scale, profit-generating AI machines? It didn't take them long to find the answer. They pinpointed the rich land and water resources in rural America as the ideal location, writes Jim Branscome in his opinion on Substack. 

Rural Americans, particularly those in Appalachia, who think data center developers are targeting their wide, open land and deep aquifers for their profits, are right. "The Pew Research Center, drawing on Data Center Map figures in early 2026, found that for the first time most planned data centers in the country are being built in rural areas rather than metropolitan ones; the South alone counted some 754 planned facilities against 1,209 existing, a 62% increase," Branscome explains. So far, the coalfields of Northern Virginia have the most planned or in-progress data centers. 

Pew Research graph

From public reporting, Branscome provides a list of Appalachian data center developments: 

• In West Virginia, the Monarch campus in Mason County, the Fundamental Data complex in Tucker County, the TransGas project in Mingo County, a $4 billion campus in Berkeley County, and a multibillion-dollar Google campus in Putnam County 
• In Southwest Virginia, proposals in Wise, Wythe, Pulaski and Montgomery counties, and a Google project in Botetourt
• In Pennsylvania, the four-gigawatt Homer City complex rising on a dead coal plant’s bones in Indiana County

“Every extraction in this region’s history has followed it — timber, then coal, then the dam-and-power complex, and now the machine," Branscome explains. "Each arrived speaking of jobs and progress. Each was welcomed by men who held office. Each took something that could not be replaced and left a bill that the people are still paying. The data center is not a break from that history. It is the latest chapter of it. . ."

And while Appalachia is "being asked to supply the land, the electricity, the natural gas, the water, and the tax forgiveness," the profits will not belong to those communities, Branscome writes. Instead, those riches will "belong to corporations headquartered far from [the] mountains."

As some rural communities have pushed back against data center build-outs, they have sought the support and protective advocacy of their lawmakers. Branscome adds, "Lay the states side by side and the moral is unmistakable. Where lawmakers chose to protect their citizens, they could. Where they chose to protect the industry, that too was a choice."

West Virginia’s leaders, and to a "growing degree Kentucky’s, have decided that the way to compete is to promise the fewest protections and ask the fewest questions. . . . It is precisely the logic that governed the coalfields for a hundred years," Brascome writes. In the name of economic development, elected officials are "signing over the people’s signed objections. This is not a new story. It is the oldest story we have, told in silicon.“

How the battle ends is yet to be decided. Branscome writes, "Pennsylvania, Virginia and Ohio have shown, each in its imperfect way, that a state can make the industry pay its own way, protect the ratepayer, demand transparency, and leave the decision with the people who live there. The technology is not the enemy; the terms are.

"A data center built on a reclaimed mine, paying its full freight for power and water, bound by an enforceable agreement, leaving real money in the county, and sited only where the community has agreed to have it — that would be something genuinely new in the history of these mountains."

In N.C., the $50 billion federal Rural Health Transformation Program won't eliminate health care deserts

North Carolina plans to use its RHTP money on hospitals
and clinics that are open. (KFF photo)

The $50 billion Rural Health Transformation Program Congress created in 2025 to ensure the passage of President Donald Trump's One Big Beautiful Bill Act may sound like it's made to help closed rural hospitals or hospitals on the brink of shuttering, but in reality, the act strictly limits the amount of RHTP grant money struggling hospitals can use to stay afloat.

The RHTP funding restrictions haven't stopped midterm-stumping politicians in North Carolina from touting the program as a salve for rural hospitals in financial straits, report Sarah Jane Tribble and Amanda Seitz of KFF Health News. "Republican candidates in competitive midterm elections are casting the fund as a lifeline that will shore up critical rural health services across America."

In Martin County, N.C., where lawmakers face competitive midterm elections, some residents believe RHTP funds will help reopen their shuttered hospital, Tribble and Seitz report. "Martin County won’t get direct relief from Trump’s rural health fund — because its hospital isn’t open." The state plans to use its $213 million in RHTP funds on "existing health and social service organizations."

Without rural hospitals, residents in states like North Carolina, where most citizens live in rural counties, are especially vulnerable. During a medical emergency, when every second counts, rural residents must survive the travel distance to get medical care. Some don't make it. Tribble and Seitz explain, "Martin County does not have paramedics on its ambulances, and it can be 20 miles or more to the closest — and often overcrowded — emergency rooms."

Brian Floyd, the chief operating officer for ECU Health, which operates out of Greenville, N.C., told KFF, "It’s a real healthcare crisis that has already proven itself to have lost lives that perhaps didn’t have to be lost. They just want to not die because there’s nowhere to go when you have an emergency."

Texas lawmakers juggle angry voters, data center developers, Trump's AI push and a tech-first governor

65% of Americans don't want a data center built
in their community. (Photo by G. Moffet, Unsplash)

With its sprawling land and business-friendly politics, data center developers decided Texas was an ideal place to build AI infrastructure. They began having their proposals quietly approved, and construction started, with little input from communities near their builds.

Fast forward to today. As data center projects proliferate throughout the state, many Texas communities are pushing back on AI and calling on their political representatives to put up guardrails, reports Liz Carey for The Daily Yonder. But when it comes to putting limits on AI development, Texas lawmakers face competing interests.

"Data center construction is unpopular among locals, and a majority of the facilities are being proposed in red, rural counties," Carey explains. Republican state lawmakers now find themselves "caught between a zealous president, a governor bent on Texas becoming the next global data center hub, and outraged constituents."

According to a Texas Tribune analysis, at least "82 data centers, or nearly 60% of those that are either planned or under construction, are in state House districts that voted for President Donald Trump and elected a Republican state representative in 2024," Carey reports. "A March Quinnipiac poll found that 65% of Americans oppose the building of an AI data center in their community."

Texas House Speaker Dustin Burrows and Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, who leads the Texas Senate, have made data center development a priority. The Yonder reports, "Both directed their chambers to balance the economic development benefits of the facilities with their potential impact on Texas communities and their water and power infrastructure."

Meanwhile, Texas county officials, who have no power over where AI centers end up, spend their days trying to manage angry, frustrated residents. Republican county executive Matt Sebesta told Carey, "When folks look at me and say, ‘We don’t want this,’ I point them to our state reps and say, ‘Go talk to your state rep. Go talk to your senator,’ because they don’t trust us to make those decisions."

State legislators have even started to divide along rural-urban lines, with "rural lawmakers tending to raise more concerns about data centers while those from urban areas have generally been more supportive — or at least quieter," Carey adds.

In response, AI companies have begun running ad campaigns across the Lone Star State that "tout the benefits of the facilities," Carey explains. "Meanwhile, the tech industry is already lavishing donations across the capitol."

Many farmers have a second job, and some have cashed in by sharing farm life across social media channels

                 Zoe Kent posts her farm life films on medial platforms like Instagram and YouTube.

As farm income has dipped over the last two decades, some farmers have built a second income by posting about their "life and times" on the farm, reports Amira McKee of The Wall Street Journal.

When the Welker family from Montana was facing some lean years, Nick Welker, his brother Scott, and their father, Bob, decided to share their ag adventures through short films and reels posted to social media. 

The three men started their online careers with "viral videos in the mid-2010s, followed by the restoration of a Big Bud tractor — a hulking machine with a cult following among tractor enthusiasts," McKee writes. The three Welkers have joined "a growing class of 'aginfluencers' monetizing farm life."

For the Welker family, their "social-media business now provides a six-figure annual income stream, generating about $5 for every $1 invested in equipment, cameras, and a video editor," McKee writes.

“It blows my mind how much they eat it up," Nick Welker told the Journal. "They just really like seeing us work.”

The group has amassed over a million social media followers, and their YouTube channel produces ad revenue, as does their equipment sponsorships. McKee adds, "Tractor brands like Case IH pay handsomely to have their machinery featured on the Welkers’ channel."

Zoe Kent is another successful aginfluencer. After she took over her family's farm in 2021, she began posting online about her life as an Ohio soy and corn farmer. McKee adds, "Last year, her social-media income was five times higher than her farm profits."

The Journal reports, "Eighty-six percent of family farms earned a majority of their household income from off-farm sources in 2024, according to the most recent U.S. Agriculture Department data."

Rural law enforcement officers often receive little or no support for frequent on-the-job mental trauma

Police answer calls to tragic events such as school shootings, family annihilation, severe child abuse cases and domestic violence crimes. During those calls, victim care is a primary focus but little attention is given to the psychological trauma law enforcement officers may experience as they manage crime scenes, reports Susan Szuch for the Springfield News-Leader, which covers Ozark news.

It's often hard for police to ask for help, particularly in rural communities where suicide rates are higher, but reaching out for care is stigmatized, according to Szuch. If officers ask for mental support or have psychological struggles, they can be deemed unfit for duty.

Michael Mason

The experiences of Michael Mason, a rural police officer and later Police Chief in Humansville, Missouri, a town with roughly 900 residents, serve as an example. Mason had a hard time processing many of the difficult scenes he had to work. In 2023, he attempted suicide. Afterward, he was "given a choice to get help but be fired and lose his Peace Officer Standards and Training certification, or to resign and keep his credentials," Szuch writes. "Mason chose to resign."

Although Mason moved on from his job loss and landed the police chief position in Humansville, he faced similar challenges and had learned not to ask for help. "He took his own life on Dec. 14, 2025," Szuch reports. "He was one of at least 27 law enforcement officers who died by suicide last year."

While laws and attitudes toward psychological care for law enforcement officers have been slow to shift, some changes have been made. "In 2020, the Law Enforcement Suicide Data Collection Act established a data collection program to 'help agencies understand and prevent suicides,'" Szuch explains. "In 2022, the federal Public Safety Officer Support Act changed its definition for line-of-duty deaths to include suicide, which can affect not only the way the death is discussed but how honors are conferred and what benefits survivors receive."

For officers who want someone to talk to, law enforcement leaders stress the "importance of talking to someone who understands a law enforcement officer’s unique situation and experiences," Szuch reports. "CopLine, a hotline for law enforcement officers run by retired law enforcement officers, offers a free, confidential way for them to talk with someone who understands the trauma and pressures of the job." The phone number for CopLine is 1-800-267-5463 (1-800-COPLINE).

Opinion: Rural America needs Congress to require data center developers and the federal government to disclose plans

Nondisclosure agreements leave community members in the dark.
(Photo by Daniel Bernard, Unsplash)

When urban and suburban Americans don't want to live near an institution or business designed to address a larger societal problem, they send it to rural America. Prisons, power plants and landfills are a few examples, writes Rotimi Adeoye in his opinion for The New York Times. "These days, two more intrusions have been added to the list: immigrant detention centers and data centers. … Congress should address this problem."

While it may seem logical to assume the federal government would be required to share information with smaller townships before purchasing large buildings or tracts of land in town, that isn't the case.

In Tremont, Pa., a tiny town with roughly 300 people, the federal government purchased "a 1.3-million-square-foot warehouse that had been a Big Lots distribution center" to repurpose into an immigration center designed to hold 7,500 detainees, Adeoye writes. By the time the township's supervisor learned of the sale, the deed had already been signed.

In other instances, small-town residents learn that a hyperscale data center is being planned in their community only when rezoning paperwork is filed. Nondisclosure agreements between data center developers, landowners and town officials enable companies to keep area residents in the dark.

In both cases, transactions are "intended to be finished long before the people who would have to live with the consequences could ask questions about what was being planned," Adeyoe adds.

To help rural Americans know and have some agency in deciding what gets built in their communities, Adeyoe suggests that Congress "require companies planning large-scale facilities to publicly disclose who they are and what they intend to build before they seek to change how the land is used, and to notify local governments before acquiring property in their communities. … The same principle applies to federal agencies."

Requiring public disclosure does not mean that a detention or data center facility won't eventually be constructed in a rural community, but it "would stop it from being built in secret," Adeyoe adds. "Rural communities are often fighting both kinds of facilities simultaneously, often without knowing who they are fighting or why, because neither the federal government nor private developers are currently required to tell them anything before the decisions are made."

More selective colleges aim to get rural students who've been accepted to take the leap and enroll

Rural students accepted to selective Amherst College make 
s'mores and discuss their futures. (Photo by Lucy Lu, Hechinger)

Prestigious colleges throughout the U.S. are increasing efforts to convince more rural high school seniors to not only apply for admission but to enroll upon acceptance. Student and family support initiatives are being created to help those seniors take the leap, reports Jon Marcus of NPR in collaboration with The Hechinger Report.

Roughly three years ago, a full-fledged initiative known as the STARS College Network — for the Small Town and Rural Students — was launched by rural-born philanthropist and University of Chicago trustee Byron Trott, who invested $20 million to start the program, Marcus explains. During its first three years, STARS aimed to help more rural students learn what more elite colleges were offering and apply.

Even though more rural high schoolers graduate than their urban and suburban counterparts, getting rural students to consider and apply to colleges like Brown, MIT and Yale is a tall order. "Ninety percent of rural students graduate from high school," Marcus reports. "But only a little more than half go straight to college."

The reasons rural high school graduates avoid colleges, particularly those that are more selective or far away from home, are complex and can range from being scared off by tuition costs to not even knowing where to start applying. Nonetheless, the STARS College Network has made progress. Marcus adds, "As STARS has built momentum, more than 90,000 rural students applied to its member institutions last year, up 15% over the year before."

But STARS leadership saw a gap. Even when rural students were accepted to more elite colleges, they did not enroll. New funding from the Trott family is working to change that. Marcus reports, "Trott's foundation has since injected another $150 million into STARS, which has expanded from 16 member schools to 32."

To encourage accepted students to enroll, some STARS colleges are covering the costs for "prospective students and admitted applicants from rural areas to spend a day or two on their campuses," Marcus explains. "More than 1,000 students took advantage of that opportunity last year."

Not only does adding rural students to a selective college body help rural students and families achieve upward mobility, but it also helps colleges create a more diverse set of opinions and learning experiences for all students. Michael Elliot, the president of prestigious Amherst College in Massachusetts that participates in STARS, told Marcus, "Students growing up in rural areas bring perspectives and experiences that students from urban environments don't have."

Millions of children in U.S. live in a home with an unlocked and loaded firearm

Rural residents are more likely to own firearms than
their urban counterparts. (Photo by S. Bauman, Unsplash)

Among the roughly 32 million children in the U.S. who live in households with firearms, almost 7 million are in a home that has "at least one gun that's unlocked and loaded, according to a new study published in the Journal of the American Medical Association Network Open," reports Rhitu Chatterjee of NPR. The study's tally may be more concerning for rural Americans, who are 24% more likely to own a gun than their urban counterparts.

Study results highlighted how many children have easy access to a loaded gun. Dr. Chethan Sathya, a pediatric surgeon who works to prevent gun violence, told NPR, "Many of these families don't know the risk of having that gun not being locked up."

To uncover how households with firearms were storing their weapons, the study "surveyed 900 parents of kids under 18 who own guns," Chatterjee writes. "Nearly 35% said they stored them in the safest way possible — unloaded and locked up. But 21% had at least one firearm in the house unlocked and loaded — the least safe way possible to store a gun."

Children's ages seemed to be a factor among some survey respondents. Chatterjee explains, "Parents of children under 13 were more likely to keep their firearms unloaded and locked away compared to parents of teenagers."

Matthew Miller, who led the study, pointed out that "teenagers are more likely to commit suicide, and school shooters are also more likely to be in their teens than younger kids," Chatterjee adds. "So parents of teenagers should take just as much care to unload and lock away their firearms."

Sadly, many American families have lost children to gun deaths that may have been prevented if the firearm had been locked up or at least not loaded. Chatterjee reports, "Since 2020, firearms have been the leading cause of death among children and teens." While nearly 3 in 5 child firearm deaths were due to gun assaults, almost a third were suicides.

Survey: Seniors, rural residents and renters face the 'devasting impact' of inflation

Rising gas and grocery costs hit lower-income Americans 
harder. (Photo by rc.xyz NFT gallery, Unsplash)

Even before the Iran war, seniors and rural families were struggling to afford basics such as groceries, gas and rent. With the Strait of Hormuz closure, more Americans are under financial strain, but the higher costs hit lower-income people and families harder.

Data released by the U.S. Census Bureau's American Community Survey shows "certain groups of Americans are falling behind financially, with seniors, renters and people living outside metropolitan areas facing particular hardships," reports Stephanie Liebergen of Scripps News. The survey gathers demographic, social and economic data on Americans over five-year time spans.

Between 2020 and 2024, the "poverty rate for seniors rose in more than 800 counties when compared to the five years before, according to the survey," Liebergen writes. "Inflation wiped out almost all income gains for older Americans during this period."

Rural Americans' finances also lost ground because of lower or stagnant wages. Liebergen explains, "The median household income in large metro areas is 30% higher compared to households in rural communities, according to the new data." Renters, who tend to fall into lower income brackets, also got pinched. 

Eric Pachman, a data expert who analyzed the survey's results, told Scripps, "What the story really is, and what's really hitting me very hard right now, is the devastating impact of inflation on people at lower income brackets."

The survey does not include details on the 2025 tariff wars and the 2026 Iran war. Those two impacts have driven inflation higher, leaving more Americans spending a higher percentage of their incomes on gas and groceries.

Consumer prices across the U.S. rose at the "fastest rate since May 2023 last month, as sharp increases in energy costs caused by the war in the Middle East," reports Lydia DePillis of The Wall Street Journal. "Average gasoline prices are above $4.50 per gallon, while diesel prices have nearly doubled. . . .Grocery costs rose 2.9% since last April."

Report: 'Deaths of despair' decrease across the country, but Appalachia still sees the highest mortality rates

Opioids are one of the biggest drivers of deaths of despair
in Appalachia. (Photo by S. Pollio, Unsplash) 

The U.S. mortality rate from "deaths of despair" has declined by 5%, according to a report by researchers at the University of Chicago and East Tennessee State University. The decrease means such deaths, which are commonly linked to drug overdoses, alcohol and suicide, are hovering near pre-pandemic levels, reports Liz Carey of The Daily Yonder. 

Despite the encouraging news, deaths of despair remain disproportionately high in Appalachia, where drug overdoses are considered the "primary factor driving the difference."

Michael Meit, the director of the Center for Rural Health and Research at ETSU and a co-author of the report, believes the reasons for the higher rate of deaths of despair in Appalachia aren't fully known. He told Carey, "I think there are a lot of complexities to it, and I don’t know if we know all of the answers."

The new report is the "latest update to research started in 2017," Carey explains. "At that time, Appalachian mortality from overdose, alcohol, and suicide was 44% higher than it was in the rest of the country." Despite a decreasing mortality rate since 2017, the number of Appalachian deaths of despair remains stubbornly higher than the rest of the U.S.

The decrease in the number of deaths by despair isn't happening evenly across all age groups. Millennials are a generation that has lost thousands of lives to deaths of despair. Carey reports, "According to a report by Trust for America’s Health, the largest number of deaths from overdoses, alcohol, and suicide in the 25- to 44-year-old demographic has steadily increased since 2017." 

The report singled out opioid addictions and overdoses as the biggest driver of Millennial deaths of despair. As a result of those findings, the Appalachian Regional Commission awarded "nearly $11.5 million in 2023 to nearly 40 projects across the region to address the impact of substance use disorder," Carey writes.

But regional progress is slow. Meit told the Yonder, "You don’t necessarily see a region-wide impact, but you see really strong community-based efforts that impact those communities. And as you reduce numbers in any given community, that has a broader impact across the region.”

Small towns use simple fix that starts with private funds to keep high schoolers out of dead-end jobs

rootED advisors help rural students navigate educational
and employment complexities. (rootED photo)

A new program launched by billionaire investment banker Byron Trott is helping students at small-town high schools develop and execute after-high-school plans that tap into their interests and keep them out of "dead-end jobs," reports Lauren Weber of The Wall Street Journal. 

Called rootEd Alliance, Trott's program "has placed advisers in schools across seven states to fill a gaping void: 17- and 18-year-olds are expected to navigate an astoundingly complex labor market, often with little or no explicit guidance," Weber explains. 

The majority of the 280 schools that rootEd partners with "already have guidance counselors," Weber writes. But many are "overstretched with basics like sorting students’ schedules and managing the life emergencies that hit students all too often."

The program partners with more than 1,500 national
and local businesses. (rootED photo) 

By planting an advisor dedicated to providing career guidance and opportunities, students and their post-high school plans get more attention. According to Weber, that kind of focused planning is particularly important for rural students who are traditionally exposed to fewer career options and role models. Root advisers also help employers connect with potential employees to fill skilled-labor shortages. 

Through its advisors, rootED also aims to help students avoid poverty by training for careers with solid pay and promotion possibilities. Weber reports, "Once a school is staffed with a rootEd adviser, students are 54% less likely to wind up in low-skill, low-paying jobs than before." 

At schools where a rootEd advisor is working, students are more likely to pursue higher education. Weber adds, But advisors are "agnostic on whether students choose college, military service, employment or trade school," Weber reports. "The goal is for each senior to have a Plan A and ideally a Plan B." To help students develop those plans, advisors take students to different trade schools and colleges and promote scholarships.

Medicare offers pilot program that covers GLP-1 weight loss drugs

A recent Medicare change offers older Americans with obesity concerns a chance at affordable and possibly life-changing weight-loss drugs. The shift is particularly good news for rural Americans, who tend to be older and have higher obesity rates than their urban counterparts.

Beginning in July, Medicare beneficiaries "may be able to get a GLP-1 prescription for weight loss for $50 a month," reports Jackie Fortiér of KFF Health News. "It’s a notable shift for Medicare, which has long been barred from covering weight loss treatments."

Although weight-loss drugs, such as Zepbound and Wegovy, offer chronically overweight patients a way to lose weight that may cause other health issues, their prices have often put them out of reach for many Medicare patients. Fortiér explains, "They’re available in injection or pill form. Even with discounts, current cash prices typically range from $149 to $699 per month."

In an effort to address Medicare enrollees' obesity-driven health problems and budgetary restraints, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services announced a "short-term pilot program known as the Medicare GLP-1 Bridge. It will run from July 1, 2026, through Dec. 31, 2027," Fortiér writes. "It’s meant to 'bridge' the gap before a longer-term program that might — or might not — begin in 2028."

The pilot program will cover most GLP-1 weight loss medicines, including the pill and injectable formulations of Wegovy, the KwikPen formulation of Zepbound, and the Foundayo pill, Fortiér reports.

Medicare enrollees should know that Medicare's GLP-1 Bridge is "not your typical Medicare benefit. Even though Part D enrollment is required, the Bridge program itself works differently," Fortiér explains. "Instead of going through your regular Part D plan, you will need prior authorization" which your doctor can send to CMS for processing. Physicians prescribing GLP-1 to Medicare patients don't have to be, or become, registered Medicare providers.

Read all the requirements and rules for Medicare GLP-1 Bridge coverage here.

After four years and many obstacles, 'Internet for All' is unlikely to reach every American

BEAD may not be able to live up to its 'Internet for All' promise.
 (Photo by Jay Heike, Unsplash)

After years of planning and delays, most states have accessed at least a portion of their federal grant funding from the $42.45 billion rural broadband expansion program. Some states are likely to break ground later this year, while others continue work to lock in approvals and installation contracts.

"States have six months to finalize contracts with participating internet service providers and complete required environmental and historic reviews, before construction can begin," reports Jericho Casper of The Daily Yonder.

It has been more than four years since the Biden administration announced the Broadband Equity, Access, and Deployment (BEAD) program. Since then, it has gone through multiple phases and two presidential administrations. The Trump administration mandated that states trim their requests, meaning only half of the program's funding has been sent or awarded to states.

With roughly half the money spent, many state planners are wondering: What happens to the $22 billion in unspent funds? Casper explains, "The U.S. Commerce Department put the funding aside for "so-called 'non-deployment' uses,'" but what those are has remained unclear.

Lawmakers asked Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick to explain what states can expect the funds to cover, but "he offered few specifics, saying only that guidance would come within two months," Casper reports. Lutnick did say that "states would be able to pursue 'new and exciting things' with the money."

Meanwhile, delays and uncertainty are likely to hurt programs already underway. Casper writes, "State broadband offices in Colorado and New Mexico report that some providers who initially expressed interest may ultimately default on preliminary awards."

Providers have seen their costs multiply over time and may be rethinking their bids. Casper adds, "Fiber suppliers say prices have jumped as much as 40% in recent weeks. . . . For some providers, particularly those serving remote areas, the administrative burden may outweigh the benefits."

The program's complexity and legislative heavy lifting continue to slow its progress. "Industry experts have described BEAD as the 'most complicated broadband grant program ever,'" Casper reports.

And while lawmakers have tried to speed the process, legal battles with local governments and industry providers over broadband permits continue. Casper adds, "The program once billed as 'Internet for All' is expected to reach fewer households and businesses under the revamped plan, and experts say closing the remaining gaps will require sustained investment."

Homesteading offers independence from the uncertainty of American life, but few people actually make the switch

Homesteading requires resources and 
stamina. (Photo by A. Spratt, Unsplash) 

For people looking to leave the unpredictability of mainstream American life behind, homesteading -- or at least the idea of it -- is becoming more popular in the U.S., reports Anemona Hartocollis of The New York Times. Some regional pockets of homesteaders host expos that draw thousands to learn how to live life "off the grid."

"Pryor, Okla., is a low-slung town of 9,700 people, tucked among hills and woods," Hartocollis writes, "But for two days in March, its population swelled, as the Okie Homesteading Expo brought 3,000 people from all over the country eager to return to the land."

A need for self-sufficiency and a drive to prepare for the end of the world are at least part of what draws attendees to the Okie Expo, where they learn to grow and preserve their own food, raise goats, chickens and other livestock and hunt and fish.

"For all its bucolic, back-to-the-land imagery, homesteading taps into the desire to escape from the discontent and disquiet of modern America," Hartocollis adds. "Homesteaders believe disaster could happen anytime, and few are ready to handle it."

Despite the growing number of Americans who are interested in homesteading, it's a goal few attain. "The number of people who are truly self-sufficient is vanishingly small," Hartocollis reports. "To go back to the land, you need to buy land, which can be expensive." Some homesteaders live in a spot where they keep jobs "in the world" while raising their own food and striving toward independence. 

Some homesteaders view it as a religious calling. Others see it as a way to have more agency in their own lives. Hartocollis writes, "One couple, Matt White, 50, a retired Air Force lieutenant colonel, and his wife, Lara, 51, a real estate broker, are buying 30 acres north of Oklahoma City."

Lara White told the Times, "We’ve always been controlled by our circumstances. We want to try to control our own circumstances.”

Q&A: Rural places have always played a part in U.S. immigration and deportation

Brianna Nofil

When the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency began conducting large immigration raids outside metropolitan areas in 2025, there was not enough housing space for detainees, so U.S. Immigration Services worked to address the issue by partnering with rural law enforcement. The partnership isn't new -- USIS has long relied on rural towns to help it jail and deport illegal immigrants.

In her Q&A with Betsy Froiland of The Daily Yonder, historian and author of the 2024 book The Migrant’s Jail: An American History of Mass Incarceration, Brianna Nofil "shares her research on how immigrant detention infrastructure has impacted small towns across America." An edited version of their interview is shared below.

Q: Can you begin by sharing how rural places initially became involved in the conversation of immigrant detention?
A: Almost from its inception, the U.S. Immigration Service relied on rural communities to help it arrest and deport illegal migrants. When USIS stepped up its deportation efforts in the early 1900s, its leadership discovered that USIS lacked enough housing for all its detainees. Nofil explains, "So they began talking to sheriffs. They say to these local sheriffs, ‘listen,' immigration law enforcement isn’t your job, but if you are willing to rent us some beds in your local jail, we will pay you for that.'"

At that time, many rural sheriffs didn't have strong feelings about immigration; however, they did "see an opportunity to make some money," Nofil adds. "So some rural communities start renting jail beds to the Immigration Service. This gives the Immigration Service flexibility. Migrant routes are constantly changing. . . .Control of local rural jails allows them to pivot infrastructure as the movement of people changes."

Q: Does immigrant detention change in rural places by the end of the 20th century?
Yes. In the 1980s, USIS "decided to build the first immigration prisons, co-run by the Immigration Service and the Bureau of Prisons, from the ground up. So they’re no longer just borrowing infrastructure: they’re actually building permanent deportation infrastructure," Nofil told the Yonder. "There are massive internal battles about where they should put the first site because it’s going to set the tone for what this new detention system is going to look like."

In the end, USIS decides on rural Oakdale, Louisiana. Nofil explains, "They figure their work would be more distant from legal aid, even more out of the limelight. They’re quite explicit about the value they see rural space having in terms of limiting both public attention and migrants’ access to assistance."

Q: How have different rural communities been impacted by these detention sites economically?
At least in the beginning, when ICE really needs a location, some towns do reap some economic benefits, but the benefits don't always last. Nofil adds, "This is not something that any community can reliably bank on because they’re basically being asked to predict future federal behavior and future global migration flows, which is impossible. That makes it a particularly treacherous industry to link a community’s financial future to."

Read the entire interview here.

Policy experts say 10 rural hospitals in Virginia are 'at risk' of closure. What does that mean?

A rural hospital can be listed as 'at risk' and never close.
(Canva photo via Cardinal News)

As rural hospitals across the U.S. grapple with fewer federal Medicaid reimbursement dollars, some, including 10 in Virginia, have been flagged as "at risk" of closure, reports Emily Schabacker of Cardinal News. But the formulas used by policy centers to determine financially strained hospitals can't predict which hospitals will close.

For instance, the Public Citizen, a non-profit that tends to lean left, released an analysis that looked specifically at "Medicaid policy changes tied to the federal funding bill," Schabacker explains. Based on their focus, Public Citizen policy experts "identified 10 Virginia hospitals as at risk of closure," including six in Southwest and Southside Virginia:

• Buchanan General Hospital, Grundy
• Carilion Tazewell Community Hospital, Tazewell
• Twin County Regional Hospital, Galax
• Dickenson Community Hospital, Clintwood
• Sentara Halifax Regional Hospital, South Boston
• Centra Southside Community Hospital, Farmville
• VCU Health Tappahannock Hospital, Tappahannock
• Bon Secours Southern Virginia Regional Medical Center, Emporia
• Sentara Northern Virginia Medical Center, Woodbridge
• VCU Health Community Memorial Hospital, South Hill

While not all policy centers will focus on Medicaid payment changes to determine a hospital's future financial difficulties, most centers will consider past financial standing, operating margins, and whether the hospital was already operating at a deficit before the Medicaid cuts were announced. 

According to Michael Shepherd, an assistant professor with the Department of Health Management and Policy at the University of Michigan, "Each research group uses slightly different methods to evaluate hospital finances," Schabacker reports.

Shepherd said he’s "concerned that reports like the one from Public Citizen border on being alarmist," Schabacker adds, "signaling with too high a degree of certainty that hospitals with negative operating margins will close as Medicaid changes take shape."

Financial vulnerability doesn't mean that "the hospital is going to close tomorrow, but it could over the next few years," Shepherd told Cardinal News. "There is some uncertainty there. Not every hospital that’s at risk of closing will close. The truth is somewhere in the middle.”

Commentary: Why one journalist traded covering national news for a small-town newspaper in Big Sky Country

After he left a national media career to become editor of the Glasgow Courier in Glasgow, Montana, this journalist began to see his writing and the news differently, writes Skylar Baker-Jordan, reflecting in The Daily Yonder on his journey to a new career in the "middle of nowhere."

"Within my first few hours of being in Valley County, I learned people are hungry for local news. A new face in Glasgow, a town of 3,202 people, folks immediately asked what brought me, a born and bred Appalachian, to the high plains of Montana," Baker-Jordan writes.

Once Glasgow residents learned Baker-Jordan was the Courier's new editor, he was inundated with town gossip, juicy conflicts and events the paper needed to investigate. He writes, "That thirst for local news is not unique to Glasgow, but it is increasingly difficult to quench. . . More than 130 local papers ceased publication in the past year alone."

As smaller newspapers close, fewer towns can rely on local reporting, which the "middle of nowhere" towns need more than most. Baker-Jordan adds, "Moving here was my chance to use my talents in the service of a community that needed an editor to help its local paper avoid this fate."

Baker-Jordan didn't decide to switch careers in an instant, but over time, while he was working as an editor at 100 Days in Appalachia, a nonprofit newsroom managed by and for Appalachians. He writes, "Suddenly, I was writing about and reporting on regional matters I’d long overlooked, and the response was overwhelming. In my entire career, the most gratitude I received from readers – the highest volume of responses – was to stories I wrote about local and regional matters."

He began to think about his past journalistic efforts differently. Baker-Jordan explains, "The sheer vitriol of the partisan press began to make my screeds feel less like a righteous contribution to public discourse and more like the very thing eroding trust in media and our civic institutions writ large."

Baker-Jordan doesn't see his new editing gig or his town as lesser than his career in the bigger national news arena. He writes, "Small towns deserve to see themselves reflected and taken seriously every bit as much as large urban areas or Congress and Wall Street. They deserve reporters and editors who are dedicated to telling their stories, to establishing a public record of their history and people."

Maine's bill to pause larger data center projects awaits governor's approval; ban would be the first of its kind in U.S.

Maine's data center bill would pause planned projects in two rural
towns for 18-months. (Photo by Troy Mortier, Unsplash)

If Maine's new data center bill becomes law, the state will become the first in the country to push pause on large data center construction. 

"The Maine Senate took a final vote on April 14 to enact first-of-its-kind legislation banning large data centers in the state until November 2027," reports Julia Tilton of The Daily Yonder. The bill would halt data centers that require 20 megawatts or more of power, including two already planned in the rural towns of Jay and Limestone.

The Maine legislation "would also establish a study group to examine the impact of such facilities and recommend legislative guardrails," reports Jenna Russell of The New York Times. Maine lawmakers have already made data centers "ineligible for certain business tax exemptions." 

Maine Gov. Janet Mills has yet to sign the bill into law, and it's unclear whether she will, given that it would mean halting data center plans already in the works. "On April 10, the governor said that a data center proposed at a retired paper mill in Jay, Maine, must be exempt from the ban while speaking to the press at an event in Bangor, Maine," Tilton explains. "An amendment with that carve-out failed to pass the legislature." The current bill doesn't include any exemptions. 

Like many New England residents, Mainers already deal with a fragile grid and pay some of the highest electricity rates in the country. Advocates of the ban say the moratorium is needed to prevent further increases in electricity costs and to protect communities from environmental hazards associated with AI data centers, such as noise and excessive water use, Tilton reports. Advocates also point to the relatively few jobs data centers produce, even as they gobble up vast resources.

Mills, who is facing a heated Democratic primary race for the U.S. Senate, has "ten days to veto the legislation, sign it into law or allow it to become law without her signature," Russell reports. "President Donald Trump has threatened to sue states and withhold funding if they pass laws restricting the AI growth."

Opinion: When it comes to sharing thoughts on elections, maybe asking questions is best

When it comes to sharing thoughts or concerns about upcoming elections with people close to us, we often avoid discussing them out of fear of misunderstandings or unwanted tension. Perhaps a tone of curiosity might be a better way to strike up those conversations, writes Donna Kallner of The Daily Yonder. 

"We might even find we’re not quite as divided as we think on some things," Kallner adds. "We are probably in agreement on the fundamental question, Do you want free and fair elections? I get that we are far apart on the specifics of how to ensure those. But maybe we could at least acknowledge that we have this one important Yes in common." To help everyone stay level-headed, Kallner suggests using election-oriented questions to start meaningful conversations. A few of her questions are shared below. 

What personal experiences helped form your opinions about elections? Kallner writes, "Frankly, voters get far more prompting to amplify someone else’s messages than to tell their own stories. So let’s ask each other about them – not who we voted for but what it looked like when we voted and what that means. . ."

What personal connections do you have with people who conduct elections? Since many rural families still live close to each other, friends or neighbors will often know someone who worked at an election or as an election official. What was their role? What did they say about the experience?

How long do you think it should take to declare the winner of an election? Sometimes, final election results take longer than many people would like, so Kallner suggests asking, "What legitimate reasons might there be for certifying election results to take longer? . . . What conditions do you think should apply to compel a recount? "

Have you attended a public test of voting machines? "In Wisconsin, where I live, a public test is conducted before each election. Anyone can attend. Few do," Kallner writes. "But it’s a great time to ask questions like: Is this machine connected to the internet? What happens if it runs out of paper or jams? . . . What checks and balances are in place to ensure that each ballot is counted and secured in case it’s needed for a recount or audit?"

What would you do? "A 2024 survey of local election officials found that more than one-third have experienced threats, harassment, or abuse specifically because of their job," Kallner writes. Asking people to set boundaries by asking questions can help: "What behaviors would you consider threatening if they were directed at a family member working the polls here? What would you do if you witnessed that behavior? What do you think might be done to moderate the potential for that kind of behavior?"

Rural water operators can receive free expert guidance for water issues of all sizes through a new EPA program

RealWaterTA experts can help rural water operators address
federal compliance issues. (Photo by E. Ekdahl, Unsplash)

In an effort to help rural municipal water services that are facing challenges with aging infrastructure and federal compliance, the Environmental Protection Agency launched the Real Water Technical Assistance initiative in March, reports Claire Carlson of The Daily Yonder.

RealWaterTA connects "rural communities with experts like those at the National Rural Water Association to help them repair water utilities or help them apply for loans and grants through USDA’s Rural Development," Carlson writes. 

Rural community water treatment facilities are often understaffed, so having knowledgeable guidance while completing a detailed USDA application can take some of the grant-writing burden off water operators.

Charles Stephens, a senior executive policy director at the National Rural Water Association, believes the new program's approach, which provides expert guidance at no charge, will be useful to rural water operators. He told Carlson, "A lot of [rural] communities don’t need big, expensive projects; they need help making what they already have work better, or help getting into compliance with [federal] regulations."

Through RealWaterTA, rural communities can get help with addressing federal compliance standards, fixing aging systems and training new water operations staff. Carlson writes, "While the program itself will not provide money for these efforts, Stephens said it will act as an 'extra pair of hands' for rural communities that lack the staffing cities often have."

RealWaterTA specialists can help: 

• Local governments/communities
• Drinking water utilities/systems
• Wastewater utilities/systems
• Stormwater utilities/systems
• States, Tribes, territories
• Non-governmental organizations

Find program details here. To request RealWaterTA assistance, click here.