Rural voting posts bigger percentage than urban or metro in Texas primaries

Graph by The Daily Yonder, from New York Times data

Texas election primaries last week drew a big turnout, with a surprising number of rural voters showing up at the polls. "Texas primary voters turned out in striking numbers this week, with early voting fueling a surge that dominated state headlines," reports Madeline de Figueiredo of The Daily Yonder. "Compared to their urban and suburban counterparts, a greater share of rural voters cast their ballots in the Texas primaries this year."

Both parties had dramatic challenges for seats that will be highly competitive in the November elections. De Figueiredo writes, "Major outlets reported record-breaking Democratic participation in a closely-watched Senate showdown between U.S. Representative Jasmine Crockett and State Representative James Talarico."

Republican voters had a hard time choosing between U.S. Sen. John Cornyn and state Attorney General Ken Paxton. Since neither Cornyn nor Paxton received a majority, their contest moves to a runoff in May.

Amid the surge in voter engagement, rural counties led the charge. "About 26% of registered rural voters showed up to the polls on Tuesday, the highest turnout rate among all county types," the Yonder reports. "The majority of votes were cast in the Democratic primary, the first time this has occurred since the 2020 presidential primary."

The number of ballots cast across the Lone Star State in the primaries increased "47% compared to the last midterm elections in 2022," de Figueiredo writes.

Although suburban and urban voters posted the largest gains in voter turnout, rural counties still "posted the highest turnout percentage among all county types," the Yonder reports.

Energized voting bases and increased population were both cited as reasons for the increase in voter turnout.

Small-town governments can intentionally build 'local patriotism' to combat voter and citizen apathy

Graph by Sean Richey, The Conversation

Despite the direct impact local governments have on public safety, taxes and schools, only a fraction of voters cast ballots in local elections, and many residents don't know their elected officials' names.

"Turnout in local elections regularly falls below 20%, often leaving critical decisions in the hands of small, unrepresentative groups, creating an electorate that’s disproportionately white, elderly and affluent," writes Sean Richey for The Conversation.

Richey's more recent research explored what factors influence why some voters become more engaged in their communities, and others don't. He notes, "An overlooked factor explains why some people engage with their communities while others tune out: local patriotism, or how they feel about their town."

Residents who "love their town" were far more likely to participate in activities that impact it. Richey explains, "Even after accounting for factors such as age, education, income and general interest in politics, loving one’s town strongly predicted participation in local politics. . . . Local patriotism also correlated strongly with trust in local government."

For smaller governments, encouraging local patriotism can open up dialogues with potential voters and volunteers who have different needs and hopes for their town. When citizens care, they are more likely to chime in and participate. On a broader scale, when Americans love their towns, their social and political activities support democracy.

Farmers markets can help residents build a sense of hometown 
pride. (Photo by Thomas Barwick, Getty via Conversation CC)

"Local patriotism appears to address a fundamental puzzle in political science: why anyone participates in local politics at all," Richey explains. "The time and effort required almost always exceed any tangible benefit an individual would receive."

Richey's study shows that whether starting a local farmers market, celebrating a new school building or encouraging nature walks that highlight a town's most celebrated wildlife or landscapes, local patriotism can be intentionally fostered. His complete list of suggestions is here.

Supreme Court's ruling on mail-in ballot deadlines could have an outsized impact in rural areas

Both Republicans and Democrats have large numbers
of voters who mail their ballots. (Adobe Stock photo)

The U.S. Supreme Court plans to rule on mail-in ballot deadlines this term, which could have an outsized impact on a subset of voters, including thousands of rural voters, should the court decide that ballots arriving after Election Day must be tossed.

The case centers on a Mississippi law that allows mailed ballots to be counted even when they arrive after Election Day, but roughly "18 states and territories accept such late-arriving ballots as long as they are postmarked by Election Day," report Nick Corasaniti and Christine Zhang of The New York Times.

Should the court decide that all votes must be received by Election Day, mail-in voters from rural areas will be challenged to mail their votes early enough to be counted.

Voters in the southwestern town of Medford, Oregon, provide a good example. When a Medford voter mails a ballot from the local post office, it doesn't go to the "town clerk’s office only a few miles away," the Times reports. "Instead, it travels about 280 miles north on Interstate 5 to Portland, to get a postmark stamped, before returning to the Medford elections office to be counted."

Rural mail services are also more likely to be delayed by local weather conditions or traffic bottlenecks due to bad weather or natural disasters far from their zip codes.

States with sprawling rural areas and high electoral college numbers, such as California, Texas, Illinois, and New York, currently allow late-arriving ballots to be counted. Should the Supreme Court ax that allowance, both parties could see Election Day impacts.

No matter what the Supreme Court decides, ongoing election education can remind citizens how and when to vote. David Becker, from the Center for Election Innovation and Research, told the Times, "For people who are voting once every four years, or once every two years, they’re not familiar with all these procedures and changes."

Opinion: Bear camp illuminates wildlife and wild politics in this purple state

The American black bear is one of the largest and most
elusive animals in Pennsylvania. (Pennsylvania Game photo)

In Potter County, Pennsylvania, the resurgence of the state's black bear population and the legal means to hunt them helped build the region's reputation as a hunting mecca since the 1980s. The county became home to "bear camp," which serves to tell a deeper story about politics and life in this wildly purple state," writes Salena Zito in her opinion for The Washington Post.

"Bear camp is about much more than hunting, and for anyone trying to understand Pennsylvania politics, it’s essential," Zito explains. "It sits at the crossroads of rural and urban, illuminating Pennsylvanians’ sense of place and their traditions that transcend profession and party."

Bear camp is emblematic of how Pennsylvania folk see themselves — it isn't predictable, and "the core principles animating bear camp are not political," Zito writes. "Democrats, Republicans and independents can all gather at one camp — and not only get along but also work toward a common goal."

Bear camp participants come from a wide range of ages, professions and educational backgrounds. "When they arrive, they bond as a community to hunt the American black bear," Zito explains. "Keeping the camp thriving and attracting younger hunters is a testament to their unwillingness to let this tradition slide as so many others have in the digital age. For 40 years, this camp has not only survived, it has grown and prospered."

David Cunningham, one of Bear camp's founders, told Zito, "A lot of times, we don’t realize that our traditions — like the bonds that are formed here — shape us more than what is consuming the rest of the world in politics."

Collaboration, camaraderie and adaptation are hallmarks of Bear camp. When a bear is harvested, it is processed from "nose to tail," Zito writes. Little goes to waste, and family pantries are filled.

Pennsylvanians' resourcefulness and ability to shift to meet shared goals and uphold traditions are alive at bear camp. The state's swing-vote history speaks to a region and a people that aren't predictable — just like an election and just like a hunt.

Quick hits: Skate this ice path for miles; chiming in on U.S. politics; discover full moon names; the Salton Sea's lure

Ice path on the Warroad River, Minnesota. (Jerry Holt, The Minnesota Star Tribune)

To make winter less depressing, try skating. "A river runs through Hockeytown USA, and you can skate on it for miles," reports Walker Orenstein of The Minnesota Star Tribune. "It's not a wilderness trail, but rather a wonderfully accessible ice path that attracts skilled hockey players and new skaters alike. It’s easy to forget you’re on a river at all."

For Americans tired of standing on the sidelines and watching turbulent news unfold, there are ways to make your voice heard. "No matter what side of the political spectrum you fall on — contact your federal or local representatives and let them know how you feel, via social media, texts, emails, or phone calls," writes Barbara Krasnoff of The Verge. "There are several online sites and mobile apps that can help, by letting us who to contact, helping us know what the issues are." Some apps offer scripts to make reaching out less intimidating.

Each month’s full moon marks the changing seasons.
(Photo by Kym MacKinnon, Unsplash)

Snow, sleet, ice and more snow -- winter's chill hangs on into February. The month is typically the Northern Hemisphere's coldest month, and its full moon's name -- the "Snow Moon" reflects its wintry days, reports Jane Alexander for Mental Floss. When March hits, the "Worm Moon" will glow above as a sign that spring is coming. Each month has a full moon with a unique name. "Any of the names we use today come from Native American traditions, though some originated in Europe as well. The monikers correspond with the seasons."

Just as rural problems might be best solved by rural communities, challenges across the country might be best met by average citizens. An Oregon county is giving its residents a trial run at solving homelessness. If successful, their "citizen assembly" model could become a new tool for other places, reports Nick Romeo for The New Yorker. "These gatherings do what most democracies only pretend to: trust normal people to make decisions on difficult policy questions. Many citizens’ assemblies follow a basic template. . . "

Adobe Stock photo

Fire has helped humans reforge the earth for almost a million years, and recent tragic burns serve as a reminder of how fire changes human lives. "In recent years, fires have blasted through cities in Colorado, the southern Appalachians and the island of Maui," writes fire historian Stephen Pyne for The Conversation. "The narrative is the unbroken saga of humanity and fire, a companionship that extends through all our existence as a species. . . . We are creating the fire equivalent of an ice age."

Aerial view of Salton Sea coastline. The sea is both 'fascinating and fetid.' (Adobe Stock photo)

As a curiosity and a place for communal contemplation, the Salton Sea in southern California was "created by the collision of geology and bad luck," writes Dennis Hinkamp for Writers on the Range. "Its salt-encrusted shores circle about 340 square miles of sea. A silo-full of conspiracy theories features the Salton Sea. . . It will likely remain a hiding place for the weird until some real monster beneath the sea emerges, which could be a rush to start mining lithium made by the sea. . . . It’s my refuge, my winter solace away from anxious headlines, and just strange enough to be hospitable."

Defying the odds, Marie Gluesenkamp Perez appears close to 2nd term in the House; she wants Democrats to change

Perez helped her constituents recover more than $3 million from federal agencies.

U.S. Representative Marie Gluesenkamp Perez would like Democrats to take a long look in the mirror and reconsider who they're villainizing and how that tactic has alienated voters. "For two years, Representative Perez, a Democrat from a rural, red district in Washington State, has been criticizing her party for being too dismissive of working-class voters," reports Annie Karni of The New York Times. "[She] says her party needs to stop demonizing others and change the candidates it supports."

Perez is a young, plain-spoken Democrat who is close to winning her second term in Congress after a neck-and-neck race. "Long considered perhaps the most vulnerable Democrat in the House, [Perez] defied the odds. . . . Even with President-elect Donald J. Trump at the top of the ticket and winning her district for the third cycle in a row . . . ," Karni writes. "She declared victory in a statement after a newspaper in her district called the election for her, although The Associated Press had yet to do so."

In the Q&A below, Perez shares some of her thoughts on her election and where she thinks Democrats should go from here. For the full interview, click here.

Karni: How did [you win], and what can Democrats learn from you?
Perez: I just refused to let this race be nationalized. It’s not about the message. It’s about my loyalty to my community. The fundamental mistake people make is condescension. A lot of elected officials get calloused to the ways that they’re disrespecting people.

Karni: How do you feel about the re-election of Donald J. Trump?
Perez: I guess I’m still wrapping my head around where to go and what to do. But even when the national current changes, we still have all the same issues here.

Karni: What were your thoughts about Vice President Kamala Harris’s campaign?
Perez: When Harris first came out, I was open to talking with her. I know she called a lot of my colleagues; she never called me. I’ve had one interaction with Harris, at her Naval Observatory Christmas party. . . . I noticed that almost all of the garlands were plastic. My district grows a hell of a lot of Christmas trees. I was strong-armed into taking a picture. I said, 'Madam Vice President, we grow those where I live. ' She just walked away from me. There was kind of an eye roll, maybe. My thinking was, it does matter to people where I live. It’s the respect, the cultural regard for farmers."

Karni: Do you think the Democratic Party will be forced to change after this crushing election cycle?
Perez: It’s a lot easier to look outward, to blame and demonize other people, instead of looking in the mirror and seeing what we can do. It is not fun to feel accountability. It requires a mental flexibility that’s painful. So who knows?

Opinion: Many Americans didn't like either candidate for president, but maybe there's a better way to choose

Voting against what a candidate represents can 'yield
better results.' (Adobe Stock photo)

Before casting their vote, and maybe even after, many American voters voiced concern because they didn't like either candidate. But maybe liking a candidate isn't the point, writes essayist Amy Bauer in her opinion for The Wall Street Journal. Perhaps it's better to vote against a candidate or party instead of searching and voting for a "likable" one.

Her friends and family "all voted against Donald Trump and JD Vance or against Kamala Harris and Tim Walz," Baurer adds. "At a dinner party, I was lamenting this necessity and said, 'I’d love to see an election where voters are excited about the person they’re voting for.' A friend responded saying, 'I think this is optimal. An election where you vote against rather than for is more logical and less emotional. It yields better results.'"

Bauer writes, "I realized my friend had a point about the drawbacks of voting for a candidate. The last time I did so was in 2012. Barack Obama was smooth and kind and wicked smart. . . .Years later, the revelations about Obama started to emerge. Like old infidelities, each one was a slap. . .

"Voting for a candidate back then led me to soft criteria: charm, warmth, a quick smile. Ultimately, I felt disappointed and betrayed — the pitfalls of an emotional relationship. None of this is at play with Trump. I’m not looking for him to be charming or warm . . . I often dislike the things he says.

"His behavior on Jan. 6, 2021, was egregious, pure hubris, and it might have been disqualifying if not for the confounding response from Democrats, who seized on the event and used it to justify constitutional infringements from that day forward."

For some voters, a ballot cast for Trump and Vance equaled a vote to support those rights. Bauer explains, "More than anything, I cherish freedom of expression and believe it is our most spiritual right. Prayer, poetry, stories, music — they’re what lift us above this mortal space. . . . I’d rather die than live in a world without this freedom."

When Bauer spoke to her friend, she asked if he was happy about the election outcome. He told her, "Not exactly happy. But it was so much better than the alternative.”

A snapshot of Trump's Pennsylvania win: Most rural voters stuck with Trump, and some major metro voters went red

Graph by Sarah Melotte, The Daily Yonder

Heading into the presidential election, Pennsylvania was a key swing state. But on Election Day, voters across the state, including more rural residents, voted red, helping Donald Trump secure his second presidency.

"Donald Trump reclaimed Pennsylvania and the presidency on Tuesday when the urban coalition that gave Joe Biden his 2020 victory in the state failed to show up for Vice President Kamala Harris," report Sarah Melotte and Tim Marema for The Daily Yonder. "Trump won the state by 171,000 votes, primarily by eroding Democratic turnout in the major metropolitan areas of Philadelphia and Pittsburgh."

Even though Trump's metro gains were slight, when paired with Harris' poor performance in those same areas, it was enough to turn the tide. "Trump earned about 30,000 more votes this year than he did in 2020 in those same counties in and around Philadelphia and Pittsburgh," Melotte and Marema explain. "Harris earned 89,000 fewer votes in these major metropolitan areas than Biden did in 2020. . . . The difference was determinative in a state that both candidates needed to win the Electoral College vote."

Trump also prevailed in the state's "small rural areas and medium-sized cities," the Yonder reports. "And he improved on his 2020 performance in doing so. . . . Rural counties saw the least shift to Trump from 2020 to 2024, but that’s partly because his margin was already so high. Trump won 73.4% of the rural Pennsylvania vote this year, compared to 72.5% in 2020."

Graph by Sarah Melotte, The Daily Yonder

Despite lower gains in rural areas, Trump added to his 2020 numbers. "Trump improved his percentage of the rural vote in Pennsylvania by less than a percentage point compared to 2020. Trump picked up about 17,000 additional votes compared to 2020, while Harris lost about 2,100 compared to Biden’s performance in 2020," Melotte and Marema add. "Trump won rural counties by over 45 points."

Sixty-nine percent of Americans are worried about the 2024 presidential election, but there are steps to reduce stress

Shannon Sauer-Zavala
Licensed Clinical Psychologist,
University of Kentucky

Today is Election Day in the United States, but the country may not know the results of some races until later. And while most U.S. citizens know conscientious ballot counting can be time-consuming, unknowns often stress the human mind. To manage worry and prevent catastrophizing, Shannon Sauer-Zavala for The Conversation shares science-based approaches to reduce election tension.

If this particular election feels distressing, rest assured, that you are not alone. Sauer-Zavala writes, "A recent survey found 69% of American adults are seriously stressed about the 2024 presidential election. It’s difficult not to be worked up about politics in today’s polarized climate. Regardless of which side of the political aisle you sit on, you may find yourself glued to your browser or TV, gobbling up every tiny tidbit of news."

Being mindful and accepting of stressful feelings can keep them from skyrocketing. Sauer-Zavala explains, "Be present. Anxiety can draw you into an uncomfortable spiral of 'what-ifs' about the future. When you make a point to be present, you remind yourself what is actually happening right now, rather than letting hypothetical fears take over."

When the news feels like impending doom, take a deep breath and "shift away from rigid, all-or-nothing thinking about the future," Sauer-Zavala recommends. "When people are anxious, they tend to focus on the worst-case scenario. For example, you might be telling yourself, 'With this candidate in office, things will be terrible and I won’t be able to cope.' . . . Try thinking through what you’d do if the undesirable candidate takes office – thoughts like 'I’ll donate to causes that are important to me' and 'I’ll attend protests.'"

Concentrating on healthy daily behaviors that reinforce a sense of balance and peace also keeps worry from taking over your day or week. "Remember the goal of 24-hour news networks is to increase ratings. It’s in their interest to keep you riveted to your screens by making it seem like important announcements are imminent," Sauer-Zavala adds. "As a result, it may feel difficult to disconnect and take part in your usual self-care behavior. . . . Go for a walk or, better yet, to bed. Keeping up with healthy habits can help reduce your vulnerability to uncontrolled anxiety."

'Child care is unaffordable for families and not profitable for businesses.' Some communities will vote on changes.

Some communities are asking voters to help pay for
child care. (Shutter Stock photo)

Are U.S. voters ready to help pay for child care services as a part of their community's labor and services infrastructure? Communities in Sonoma County, Calif., St. Paul, Minn., and most of Austin Texas are about to find out, reports Harriet Torry of The Wall Street Journal. The November voting initiatives highlight a problem for urban, metro and rural families -- child care is no longer affordable or not even available due to child care teacher shortages. 

In Austin, classrooms at Ebenezer Child Development Center sit empty because the center's owner, Jordan Maclay, "can’t find enough teachers who can work at the wages she is able to offer," Torry explains. "Maclay is hoping that voters next week will approve an amendment that would raise property taxes by 2.5 cents per $100 valuation throughout Travis County, which includes most of Austin. The state already helps some low-income families pay for daycare. The county money would add to that, with the goal of raising pay and creating new positions for daycare staffers." Voters in Sonoma County, Calif., and St. Paul, Minn., will consider similar ballot initiatives.

Federal lawmakers have tried to remedy the problem, but bills have been stymied, leaving states and counties to grapple with solutions. "Vermont created a new payroll tax, to increase staffing and capacity at daycares. And in Louisiana, taxes on sports betting, cannabis-derived products and casinos raise money for early childhood education," Torry writes. "Florida this year started offering tax breaks to businesses that provide child care for employees."

Child-care centers struggle to make a profit with a business model where oversight is high and ways to cut costs are few. Torry reports, "Daycares are labor intensive. They can’t, for example, hire remote workers. They are also closely regulated, which means they can’t skimp on the number of teachers. Other fixed costs are also high and hard to bring down: the rent or mortgage, insurance, food."

Cynthia Osborne, professor of early childhood education and policy at Vanderbilt University, told Torry, "Child care is unaffordable for families and not profitable for businesses, and child-care educators are the ones really struggling in the middle."

In the end, some parents can't afford to work. Torry adds, "A paucity of child care is a drag on the labor market. About 13% of young children in the U.S. had a family member who had to quit, change or refuse a job because of child care problems, according to the Annie E. Casey Foundation, which examined Commerce and Labor Department data."

Sabato's Crystal Ball predicts the highest-profile issues on state ballots this year

Voters in 41 states will have at least one important item on the ballot this November in addition to all of the local and federal candidates running for office.

According to The Center for Politics – Sabato’s Crystal Ball, “The highest-profile issue on the ballot this year — as was the case in 2022 and 2023 — is abortion. . . .Voters will also be asked about a wide range of election-related issues, including ranked-choice voting, redistricting and non-citizen voting. Other common topics involve proposals on criminal justice, raising the minimum wage, recreational marijuana, and education policy.”

The Center for Politics, which is based at the University of Virginia, provides a guide to all of the ballot measures that can be found here.

Rural Wisconsin communities face division and racism fueled by immigration concerns as presidential race tightens

Sauk County is as diverse as its voters. The community includes
farms, outdoor and natural attractions, arts and a robust tourism sector.

As both presidential campaigns vie for votes in Wisconsin, some of the state's rural voters say election rhetoric has become harmfully divisive and tinged with racism, reports Dionne Searcey of The New York Times. In Sauk County, Wisconsin, residents can see their community's partisan divide by tallying neighborhood political yard signs. The heated debates even moved owners of the Square Tavern in Baraboo, the county seat, to "post handwritten notes admonishing customers along the giant mirror behind the bar: 'No Politics and No Religion.'"

While Trump and Harris court all Wisconsin residents to swing to their side, winning over Sauk County voters may be the jewel in the battleground state's rural crown. "Sauk County has been a presidential bellwether in recent years, voting for the winner in the past four elections," Searcey explains. "Sauk County, which is mostly white with a small but growing nonwhite population, has been roiled by its own racial skirmishes in recent years."

Like many Americans, Sauk County voters want the next president to address crime, abortion "and especially immigration," Searcey writes. 

Some Harris supporters "complain that much of Trump’s message is aimed at stoking racist attitudes to earn him votes. Their chief example: Trump’s proclamation from the debate stage that Haitian immigrants are eating cats and dogs." Searcey explains. While Trump's claim is false, it resonates with some Sauk County voters who may fear immigrants. "This summer, a county board meeting turned hostile over worries that refugees might someday settle nearby."

As Harris and Trump stump in pivotal states, how racial and migrant conflicts will be dealt with by the next commander-in-chief matters. Searcey reports, "Trump’s backers say it is Democrats who are using race to win votes, tossing around accusations of racism as a cudgel. His supporters say they are tired of being labeled racist or xenophobic for complaining about urgent issues, in particular immigration."

Meanwhile in places like Baraboo, "the divisions were evident on a recent afternoon of door knocking with Karen DeSanto, a Democrat running for the State Assembly," Searcey adds. "On the same block, three residents had three different ideas about the election: one undecided, one supporting Harris and the other backing Trump. Immigration was on everyone’s mind."

Election workers can be the best whistleblowers about interference, but they need protection from backlash

Election workers and officials help keep American
democracy healthy. (Photo by Ernie Journeys, Unsplash)

With November elections less than a month away, "lawyers at the Government Accountability Project, a nonprofit whistleblower protection organization, are preparing for a potential influx of calls from a new type of client this fall: election workers," reports Molly Bloom of Route Fifty. "Local, county and state election officials, poll workers and even contractors like voting machine operators are best positioned to identify and warn of attempts to interfere with the election process."

Over the past decade, election workers have faced increasing public scrutiny, rudeness and even threats of violence. Bloom explains, "Nearly 40% of local election officials reported experiencing threats, harassment or abuse last year, according to a Brennan Center for Justice survey. And 62% reported concerns about political leaders engaging in efforts to interfere with how election officials do their jobs."

Dana Gold, director of the Government Accountability Project’s Democracy Protection Initiative, told Bloom, "These are just public servants who we are depending on to really protect our democracy." The initiative created a guide for whistleblowers in battleground states. It aims to empower election workers with knowledge on how and when to speak up if something seems irregular.

For U.S. democracy to remain healthy, election workers need to report possible election interference without fear of retribution from the public or political officials. Bloom reports, "The laws protecting those who might blow the whistle on any interference, much like the laws governing the administration of elections, vary by state." Gold told Bloom, "There's no one law for whistleblowers. That's why it's important to get advice early.”

In 2021, when the Election Official Legal Defense Network was founded to "provide pro-bono legal help and advice for election officials, it was hailed as the first organization of its kind."

College student voters are 'propelled by concerns that directly affect them,' such as the economy, global warming

College students working to get youth registered to
vote. (Photo by Yunuen Bonaparte, Hechinger Report)

This year's election issues have energized college student voters to weigh in on state and national issues. "Students had a decisive impact in several battleground states in 2022," reports Jon Marcus for The Hechinger Report, which covers education. "And they want to do it again."

Whereas college voters have typically had lower election turnout numbers, state and national debates over big topics have inspired more younger voters to engage. "Young people say that they’re propelled by concerns that directly affect them, such as global warming, the economy, reproductive rights," Marcus writes. "More than half of Americans ages 18 to 24 turned out for the 2020 general election."

Heated partisanship has led younger voters to get involved. College student activist Andrew LoMonte, told Marcus, "What people are realizing is that the issues the candidates are talking about actually matter to us. . . . You’d think the dysfunction would scare people off, but it’s a motivator."

The younger vote matters most in swing states where winning margins can be razor-thin. "Young voters had “a decisive impact” on Senate races in 2022 in battleground states including Wisconsin, Nevada, Georgia and Pennsylvania. . . . Sixty-six percent of college students voted in 2020, up 14 percentage points from 2016. Younger students ages 18 to 21 voted at the highest rates of all."

States with abortion-related referendums have seen big jumps in youth voting registration. "College students were widely credited last year with helping elect a liberal candidate to the Wisconsin state Supreme Court, which is due to take up two major abortion cases," Marus adds. "They have also registered and voted at high rates in several swing states."

Increases in youth voting registrations do not necessarily mean "that high youth voter turnout in November is assured. The proportion of college students who voted in the 2022 midterms was down from the record set in 2018," Marcus notes. "Not all groups of students vote in equally high numbers. . . . [In 2020] students majoring in education, social sciences, history, and agricultural and natural resources turned out at the highest rates; those in engineering and technical fields, at the lowest."

Opinion: Iowa editor considers where Americans can 'find center again' after this year's elections

Art Cullen

By Art Cullen

Editor, The Storm Lake Times

What comes after Nov. 5? Most Americans and the betting markets believe that Kamala Harris will win the election. . . . No matter what happens, we need to find center again. Quick like.

What the Republic cannot endure, and which gives enemies of freedom oxygen, is the contempt that has taken hold American-to-American.

We talk past each other and grow apart.

How do we talk to the other side?

We know what we want in Iowa: clean air and water, safe schools that teach you how to be a citizen, good food and good basketball, smooth roads and friendly neighborhoods, easy access to comprehensive and affordable health care. The ability to prosper. That’s pretty much it.

We’re not getting what we deserve, except for the basketball.

Trump and Harris voters can agree on that. So we should start there.

Farmers who vote Republican are not gung-ho for pipelines going wherever the power brokers would like, and neither are environmentalists. Each likes supporting more on-farm conservation. White males and Black women are suspicious of unchecked corporate power. A lot of union members will vote Republican for a whole host of reasons, but find common cause with Democrats on basic human equity.

We all want to strengthen rural healthcare. We like independent producers and businesses. . . . It’s not as if there is not common ground. . . . Right-to-repair is not left or right. Neither is enforcement of anti-trust laws. . . . We all recognize that it is tough to fill jobs in food and agriculture because it’s tough work. Nobody expects to get rich, but they expect respect and a wage that lets them get ahead.  

This is why people are anxious and don’t think that things are working their way. They’re not. Things work for people with a firm grip on power. We can organize ourselves around how to make our place better, instead of how we can lock up our adversaries.

It starts with city hall, the courthouse and the school house. It starts by us talking about issues and confronting power that prevents progress. It starts by listening. . .

Art Cullen is the editor of the The Storm Lake Times in Storm Lake, Iowa, covering Buena Vista County and parts of neighboring Clay, Pocahontas, Sac, Ida and Cherokee counties. This opinion was lightly edited.

Opinion: When even 'losing by less' helps, Democrats must engage rural voters. Wisconsin's Baldwin shows the way.

Tammy Baldwin campaigning in the Badger state.

If Democrats want to gain votes in rural America, they need to be present to win. In tight races, even cutting into Republican margins can swing an election -- "Just ask Sen. Tammy Baldwin, a Democrat from Wisconsin," writes Karen Tumulty in her opinion for The Washington Post.

Last year, Baldwin kicked off her re-election campaign in conservative Richland County, Wisconsin, where Trump soundly won in 2020. But Baldwin also won the county. She's had a history of reaching out to rural communities, listening to their issues and touting her wins. Tumulty adds, "She cites bringing home $1.1 billion in federal funds to expand high-speed internet across Wisconsin and millions more to address the shortage of available child care that is particularly acute in rural areas."

Baldwin's strategic success with rural voters may be unusual, but other Democrats are catching on. "This year, Democrats up and down the ticket are waking up to something Baldwin recognized long ago: That Democrats cannot afford to ignore rural America, even as it has swung harder to the right," Tumulty adds. 

Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, who joined Baldwin's "One Year to Win” state tour kickoff, told Tumulty, “Elections in my state and here in Wisconsin often come down to a percentage point or less. You got to show up everywhere. You got to make sure that you’re meeting people where they are in communities like this that maybe historically haven’t voted your way.”

The Harris-Walz ticket also has taken from Baldwin's playbook. Tumulty writes, "They've made a point of campaigning in places like southern Georgia and western Pennsylvania, where they have little chance of winning outright but hope to cut into Trump’s margins. . . . It is the rare Democratic politician like Baldwin who can still win in rural areas. But in battleground states where polls show the race as tight as it is, even losing by less could make all the difference."

Opinion: 'Rural rage' book gets most things wrong but pinpoints how political strength can help rural 'plight' be seen

Bradyn Strawser

Writer Bradyn Strawser discusses the good, the bad and the ugly roots of 'rural rage' and how he interprets some national research on the topic. An edited version of some of his thoughts is below.

"In the months leading up to the 2020 presidential election, the Democratic Party claimed that their platform was going to be one of unity. They said it was time to turn the page on the toxicity that had defined American political discourse since that fateful moment when Donald Trump descended on the escalator in 2015, initiating his first presidential campaign," Strawser explains. "What went wrong? A good place to begin answering this question might be White Rural Rage.

"The subtitle, The Threat to American Democracy, makes the anti-rural sentiments of authors Tom Schaller, a professor of political science at the University of Maryland, and Paul Waldman, a former op-ed writer for the Washington Post, quite clear," Strawser adds. Schaller and Waldman spend a lot of words "pointing out that countless other demographics suffer more than rural whites. It seems the authors are not interested in the plight of rural America."

One of Schaller and Waldman's biggest questions was: Why did rural Americans vote so enthusiastically for Trump? "They conclude it is because Trump tapped into all the worst instincts of rural Americans," Strawser adds. "But this is not why Trump resonated with so many of my neighbors and loved ones. He resonated with them because despite all the inflated political power Schaller and Waldman claim rural America has. . . .Trump was the first president in many years that seemed to listen [to] and care."

Some of rural rage stems from being politically ignored. "Countless rural communities suffered from loss of industry, lack of education, and military intervention in foreign lands," Strawser explains. "Rural Americans have felt abandoned as both parties voted in trade deals like NAFTA and promoted immigration policies that acquiesced to large corporations’ demands for new sources of cheap labor, a push which was supported by many labor unions."

Part of why rural Americans feel rage is because they have counted their losses and started asking questions. "They want to know why they are not entitled to a quality education," Strawser writes. "Why should they support politicians who send their jobs overseas and then receive money from the very corporations that laid off their employees? . . . Trump seemed to provide answers to these questions. His pro-school choice stance and promotion of opportunity zones that used tax incentives to increase investment in depressed census tracts. . . resonated with rural people."

While Schaller and Waldman take their keen minds and come to some harsh and misguided conclusions, "they do a good job at pointing out problems facing rural America, perhaps none more serious than the opioid crisis that is poisoning rural Americans every day," Strawser writes. "I think they are correct about one [other] thing: it is time for rural Americans to wield their political power to finally get policies that are in their interest. It’s time that they demand their plight be heard."

Bradyn Strawser studied political science and history at Grove City College, Penn. To read Strawser's full essay, click here.

Farmers and food production voters weigh in on their choices for U.S. president n November

Graphic by Adam Dixon, Ambrook Research

The folks at Ambrook Research wanted to know who farmers are voting for this November. The publication boasts some 80,000+ subscribers who are either farmers or individuals working in the U.S. food industry. To find out "how food producers are feeling on the eve of a historically monumental election," writes Ambrook's editor, Jesse Hirsch, "Ambrook put out a call" for its readers to complete a "wholly unscientific survey." . . .Their readers' responses "give some compelling insight into the varied feelings at play right now," a few of which are shared below. Hirsch notes: "We’ve included first names, professions, and states for some respondents. Others preferred full anonymity."

I am very disappointed with the U.S. presidential election. I remember a quote from Jim Hightower that represents my sentiments about this year’s election, 'If the Gods Had Meant Us to Vote They Would Have Given Us Candidates.'
-Rick, farm lobbyist, Wisconsin

If Trump is elected again, our country will be subjected to what it does not deserve: loss of freedom and democracy as we have worked to preserve. The word “compromise” will disappear from the dictionary.
-William, agriculture professor, Florida

Frankly, I don’t understand why any small business, rancher or farmer would not vote for TRUMP!!! A vote for the other is a vote for socialism, anti-American and anti-agriculture end of story!
-Leslie, cattle rancher, Texas

I have been a Republican for most of my life, but I have not and will not vote for Donald Trump. I will be voting for the Harris/Walz ticket.

-Anonymous, North Dakota

Trump is the only option for president for any sound-minded, USA-loving, God-fearing, American. Respectfully, a 4th generation farmer/rancher, entrepreneur, and business woman, of mixed race from around the world.
-Krista, farmer/rancher

About the upcoming election, what I feel is absolutely terrified. I voted for one of the candidates in the last election, but I will not vote for him again. The thing is, it doesn’t matter which candidate wins. I think we’re going to have major problems.
-Anonymous, produce and livestock farmer, South Carolina

To read more survey answers, click here.

If he wants their votes, Tim Walz will have to dig deep to connect with the needs of rural voters and win their trust first

A Harris-Walz camo hat (Campaign photo)

Just because Tim Walz sports a camo hat and comes from a small town doesn't mean rural people will vote for him. It's "hard to deny that many rural advocates and writers genuinely feel seen and represented with the choice of Walz – a feeling not felt in quite some time," writes Nicholas Jacobs for The Conversation. "But a closer examination reveals that such expectations may be overly simplistic and optimistic."

Media coverage of Walz as a "corn dog-eating, dad-joking, 'Midwestern Nice' [guy] does little to explain the real issues that have made rural voters a sizable force in recent American elections," Jacobs explains. "Walz’s performance within his home state of Minnesota is a relevant bellwether for his national appeal among rural voters. Though Walz has deep rural roots, rural voters have not always supported him as much as his backstory might quickly suggest. . . . Walz’s performance has decreased among rural voters since he last ran for reelection to Congress in 2016."

Looking around the Midwest for Democrats that do well in rural counties, Tammy Baldwin of Wisconsin and "even Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer outperformed Walz’s rural numbers," Jacobs writes. But Walz is a "clear counterbalance to the image constructed by another Midwestern, self-proclaimed spokesperson for rural America on the ballot: JD Vance." Democrats would do well to remember that Trump has never claimed to hail from rural roots, but instead, he taps into "the sentiments of rural discontent and align them with his broader political message."

To win support from rural residents, Walz will need to address deeper issues "that motivate rural voters, such as economic insecurity, perceived cultural marginalization and distrust in government," Jacobs adds. "Symbolic gestures – and camo hats – alone are not sufficient to sway their support."

Fact check at the Democratic National Convention: Harris' acceptance speech lacked detail but still strayed from facts

Photo by Nils Huenerfuers, Unsplash

Last week the Democratic National Convention rallied around Kamala Harris and her choice for vice president, Tim Walz of Minnesota. The four-day event culminated in Harris giving her 40-minute nomination acceptance speech, which included more rhetoric than checkable facts. 

Glenn Kessler of The Washington Post reviewed several claims from Harris' acceptance speech, which are edited and highlighted below. For the Post's complete fact-check story, click here.

Note: The Rural Blog previously posted a fact-check story on the Republican National Convention. 

“We are not going back to when Donald Trump tried to cut Social Security and Medicare.”
This is mostly false. . . . But that hasn’t stopped Democrats from asserting this all week. On Medicare, virtually all anticipated savings sought by Trump would have been wrung from health providers, not Medicare beneficiaries, as a way of holding down costs and improving the solvency of the old-age health program. Trump, in fact, borrowed many proposals from Barack Obama, who had failed to get them through Congress. . . . As for Social Security, Trump kept his promise not to touch retirement benefits, bucking longtime efforts by Republicans to raise the retirement age.

(Trump) doesn’t actually fight for the middle class. Instead, he fights for himself and his billionaire friends, and he will give them another round of tax breaks that will add up to $5 trillion to the national debt.
The numbers don’t tell the whole story. Harris’s $5 trillion figure reflects the cost of extending the 2017 tax cuts. (The Congressional Budget Office estimated $4.6 trillion.) Because of the way the law was written, the tax cuts expire in 2027 and, unless Congress acts, Americans would face a steep tax increase. . . . By wanting to extend some of the tax cuts, Harris is acknowledging that a good chunk — as much as half — of Trump’s tax cuts benefited the middle class.

(Trump) intends to enact what, in effect, is a national sales tax. Call it a Trump tax that would raise prices on middle-class families by almost $4,000 a year.
This is a high estimate. Trump suggested he wants to impose a 10% tax on every imported good entering the United States and a 60 percent tax on every imported good from China. The Peterson Institute for International Economics has estimated that this would cost a typical U.S. household in the middle of the income distribution about $1,700 in after-tax income. . . . Harris is relying on an estimate from the left-leaning Center for American Progress Action Fund, which calculates the cost would be $3,900.

“As commander in chief, I will ensure America always has the strongest, most lethal fighting force in the world.”
Harris. . . has not put out detailed policy papers yet, but it’s worth noting that Biden repeatedly proposed budgets that have failed to keep military spending ahead of inflation.

“He encouraged [Russian President Vladimir] Putin to invade our allies, said Russia could, quote, do whatever the hell they want.”
This needs context. Harris carefully uses the word “encouraged” in this passage. Trump did not issue an invitation to Russia to invade U.S. allies, but (in his telling) was informing the leader of a NATO member country that he would not defend that country from a Russian attack if Trump deemed the nation was delinquent on payments to the military alliance. . . . NATO figures show that the defense expenditures for NATO countries other than the United States have been going up — in a consistent slope — since 2014. . . . When NATO decided to boost spending in response to Russia’s seizure of Crimea.